Systemic Effects of Campaign Spending: Evidence from Corporate Contribution Bans in US State Legislatures

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew B. Hall

In this paper, I examine the systemic effects of campaign spending, looking at outcomes at the level of the legislature rather than the individual seat. Using a difference-in-differences design, I show that state-level corporate campaign contribution bans have a large effect on electoral outcomes at the legislature level. A 1 percentage-point increase in the Democratic (or Republican) party’s share of all contributions in an electoral cycle is estimated to increase its share of the legislature by roughly half a percentage point. Policy outcomes as well as campaign finance reforms occur at the legislature level; understanding the systemic rather than individual-level effect of campaign spending is therefore directly relevant. Aggregating estimated effects of individual-level campaign finance would not produce this same estimate owing to spillovers and other strategic dynamics. Taken together, the analyses suggest that contribution bans have important electoral effects and thus point to the systemic effects of campaign spending.

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110345
Author(s):  
Scott Radnitz

Conspiracy theories are playing an increasingly prominent role worldwide in both political rhetoric and popular belief. Previous research has emphasized the individual-level factors behind conspiracy belief but paid less attention to the role of elite framing, while focusing mostly on domestic political contexts. This study assesses the relative weight of official conspiracy claims and motivated biases in producing conspiracy beliefs, in two countries where identities other than partisanship are salient: Georgia and Kazakhstan. I report the results of a survey experiment that depicts a possible conspiracy and varies the content of official claims and relevant contextual details. The results show that motivated reasoning stemming from state-level geopolitical identities is strongly associated with higher conspiracy belief, whereas official claims have little effect on people’s perceptions of conspiracy. Respondents who exhibit higher conspiracy ideation are more likely to perceive a conspiracy but do not weight motivated biases or official claims differently from people with lower conspiratorial predispositions. The findings indicate the importance of (geopolitical) identities in shaping conspiracy beliefs and highlight some of the constraints facing elites who seek to benefit from the use of conspiracy claims.


2012 ◽  
pp. 1806-1823
Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.


Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iryna Kychko ◽  

The article considers available scientific approaches to interpreting the “health-centric” concept of healthcare. A comparative analysis of causes and effects of the concept’s development at the individual, corporate and state levels is conducted. The author’s approach to the implementation of the “health-centric” concept of healthcare, which involves attracting social investments, is put forward. It is proved that the “health-centric” concept of healthcare functioning should be grounded on disease prevention through prophylaxis (promotion of healthy lifestyle, active case finding at the preclinical stage and prevention of their further development). The research arranges criteria, principles, and functions of the implementation of the “health-centric” concept of healthcare the definitions of which are based on general scientific guidelines and fundamental provisions of economic theory and statistical science. The author substantiates that the development and implementation of the “health-centric” concept of healthcare functioning should be performed holistically at the individual, corporate and state levels: at the individual level – by changing awareness of careful attitude to one’s health using educational, information and cultural programs; at the state level – by using administrative, financial-credit tools; at the corporate level – the active introduction of patronage and the mechanisms of corporate social responsibility etc. amidst encouraging responsibility for environmental disturbances. The article proves that system application of the mentioned approaches to the development and functioning of the “health-centric” concept of healthcare is an empirical basis of the proposals for building a sound economic policy aimed at improving health, reducing mortality, advancing living standards of social groups in Ukraine.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110410
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wolak ◽  
Srinivas Parinandi

What are the origins of gubernatorial popularity? Past studies debate whether governors are substantively evaluated based on their performance in office, with some arguing that the origins of approval may be idiosyncratic to particular governors. These studies typically consider gubernatorial approval in a handful of states or patterns of approval in the aggregate. We improve on this research by drawing on a richer data source: the Cooperative Congressional Election Study. We consider both individual-level and state-level explanations of gubernatorial popularity with a sample of over 300,000 respondents across the 50 states from 2006 to 2018. We explore how party, policy outcomes, and government performance shape levels of gubernatorial approval. We show that people evaluate governors based on the ideological direction of policy outcomes in the states. When state policy outcomes align with their ideological preferences, people report higher levels of approval for the job performance of their governor. We also confirm the importance of party and state economic performance for gubernatorial approval.


Author(s):  
Regina Kim ◽  
Peter Coleman

This research examines the relationships among individualism-collectivism (IND-COL), conflict management styles and conflict satisfaction. The authors aim to explain some of the inconclusive findings in the literature related to IND-COL and conflict styles by studying IND-COL as states, rather than dispositional traits. By taking a dynamic approach to conceptualizing IND-COL and measuring IND-COL over time, we investigate how different ratios of individualistic-to-collectivistic orientations are associated with different conflict management styles. Results show that individuals who employed a balanced focus (1:1 ratio) of both individualistic and collectivistic orientations utilized an integrative style in conflict more than individuals with either a strong individualistic or collectivistic orientation. Integrative style was associated with higher levels of satisfaction with conflict outcomes, processes, relationships, goal attainment and job satisfaction at work. Individuals with predominant focus on individualism utilized a dominating style more, whereas individuals with predominant focus on collectivism utilized obliging and avoiding styles. Furthermore, results show that state-level IND-COL is a better predictor of conflict management styles than trait-level IND-COL. Past research has focused on studying IND-COL primarily as a trait variable at the individual level, but we examine IND-COL as states in relation to conflict management styles. In addition, we investigate the combined and optimal effects of both individualism and collectivism value-orientations on conflict management styles.


1978 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan J. Lichtman ◽  
Laura Irwin Langbein

Writing more than twenty five years ago, W. S. Robinson assailed the assumption implicit in much empirical work that statistical measures computed for aggregate units—states, provinces, counties, cities, wards, school districts—could be used in place of corresponding measures for the individuals comprising these units. Robinson was not the first scholar to expose the pitfalls of naive inferences from group level data to individual level behavior. But he first brought this problem forcefully to the attention of practicing social scientists. Focusing on the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient (r), Robinson proved that an aggregate level coefficient need not be equal in value to the corresponding individual level coefficient. Blending empirical examples with mathematical demonstration, Robinson showed that when the individual level correlation between being a native American and being able to read was computed for state level percentages of natives and literates, its value changed from .118 to -.526. Thus an investigator relying on correlations computed for the American states would not even correctly assess the direction of the relationship between nativity and literacy. Coining new jargon, Robinson used the term “ecological fallacy” to describe a naive inference from the group to the individual level of analysis.The reverberations of Robinson’s work are still being felt by those interested in the past behavior of individuals. Historians without access to survey research and experimental techniques must rely on data that have already been collected. Because such data so often pertain to aggregate units, historians frequently must use cross-level inference to estimate the behavior of individuals. Having paid virtually no attention to the methodology of cross-level inference for almost twenty years after the publication of Robinson’s work, historians have suddenly discovered the “ecological fallacy.” Authors dread to see the term “ecological fallacy” scribbled in the margins of their work; to fall victim to this fallacy is to forfeit one’s claim to methodological legitimacy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 113 (5) ◽  
pp. 1031-1066
Author(s):  
Dongbin Kim ◽  
John L. Rury

Background/Context American higher education witnessed rapid expansion between 1960 and 1980, as colleges and universities welcomed millions of new students. The proportion of 19- and 20-year-old students living in dormitories, rooming houses, or other group quarters fell from more than 40% to slightly less than a third. At the same time, the proportion of students in this age group living at home with one or two parents increased from about 35% to nearly 47%, becoming the largest segment of the entering collegiate population in terms of residential alternatives. While growing numbers of high school graduates each fall headed off to campus dormitories, even more enrolled in commuter institutions close to home, gaining their initial collegiate experience in circumstances that may not have differed very much from what they had experienced in secondary school. The increased numbers of commuter students, whether they attended two-year or four-year institutions, however, have received little attention from historians and other social scientists. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This study focuses on students aged 19 and 20 who lived with parents and commuted from home during the years from 1960 to 1980, when commuters became the largest category of beginning college students. It also addresses the question of how this large-scale change affected the social and economic profile of commuter students in the United States. In this regard, this study can be considered an evaluation of policy decisions intended to widen access to postsecondary institutions. Did the growing number of students living at home represent a democratic impulse in higher education, a widening of access to include groups of students who had previously been excluded from college? The study approaches this question by examining changes in the characteristics and behavior of commuter students across the country. Recognizing the variation in enrollment rates and other educational indices by state or region, this study also focuses on how the individual behavior at the point of college entry is affected by these and other characteristics of the larger social setting, particularly from a historical perspective. Research Design To grasp the larger picture of historical trends in college enrollment during the period of study, particularly in the growth of commuter students, the first part of the study utilizes state-level data and identifies changes in the number of entering college students who were commuters. In the process, descriptive statistics and ordinary least squares regression are used to identify factors associated with the proportion of college students living with their parents across states. In the second stage of analysis, hierarchical generalized linear modeling, utilizing both state- and individual-level data, is used to consider different layers of contextual effects on individual decisions to enroll in college. Data Collection and Analysis At the individual level, the principal sources of information are from 1% Integrated Public Use Microdata Samples (IPUMS) for 1960 and 1980. These are individual-level census data that permit consideration of a wide range of variables, including college enrollment. State-level variables are drawn from the published decennial census volumes, from National Center for Education Statistics reports on the number of higher education institutions, and from aggregated IPUMS data. Conclusions/Recommendations This study finds that commuter students in the United States appear to have benefited from greater institutional availability, the decline of manufacturing, continued urbanization, and a general expansion of the middle class that occurred across the period in question. It was a time of growth for this sector of the collegiate population. Despite rhetoric about wider access to postsecondary education during the period, however, the nation's colleges appear to have continued to serve a relatively affluent population, even in commuter institutions. Although making postsecondary institutions accessible to commuter students may have improved access in some circumstances, for most American youth, going to college appears to have remained a solidly middle- and upper-class phenomenon.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 404-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron C. Miller ◽  
Linnea A. Polgreen ◽  
Joseph E. Cavanaugh ◽  
Philip M. Polgreen

BACKGROUNDInpatient length of stay (LOS) has been used as a measure of hospital quality and efficiency. Patients with Clostridium difficile infections (CDI) have longer LOS.OBJECTIVETo describe the relationship between hospital CDI incidence and the LOS of patients without CDI.DESIGNRetrospective cohort analysis.METHODSWe predicted average LOS for patients without CDI at both the hospital and patient level using hospital CDI incidence. We also controlled for hospital characteristics (eg, bed size) and patient characteristics (eg, comorbidities, age).SETTINGHealthcare Cost and Utilization Project Nationwide Inpatient Sample, 2009–2011.PATIENTSThe Nationwide Inpatient Sample includes patients from a 20% sample of all nonfederal US hospitals.RESULTSInpatient LOS was significantly longer (P<.001) at hospitals with greater CDI incidence at both the hospital and individual level. At a hospital level, a percentage point increase in the CDI incidence rate was associated with more than an additional day’s stay (between 1.19 and 1.61 days). At the individual level, controlling for all observable variables, a percentage point increase in the CDI incidence rate at their hospital was also associated with longer LOS (between 0.6 and 1.05 additional days). Hospital CDI incidence had a larger impact on LOS than many other commonly used predictors of LOS.CONCLUSIONCDI rates are a predictor of LOS in patients without CDI at an individual and institutional level. CDI rates are easy to measure and report and thus may provide an important marker for hospital efficiency and/or quality.Infect. Control Hosp. Epidemiol. 2016;37(4):404–410


2021 ◽  
pp. 234779892110198
Author(s):  
Tuğçe Ersoy Ceylan

Turkey and Israel have been strategic partners since the 1990s. Yet, there has occurred a deep crisis between the two countries, particularly since 2009, but the beginning of the deterioration in bilateral relations dates to the early 2000s. Today both countries designate each other as opponents despite the history of a strategic partnership. What are the reasons for this radical shift in the Turkish&#x2013;Israeli relations? How might the stalemate in the relations be explained? This study analyses the rupture in the bilateral relations, particularly on the recent events that paved the way for a rupture and stalemate and evaluates it via three levels of analysis laid by Kenneth Waltz. The study argues that bilateral relations have taken shape at three levels in different times and that the deterioration and amelioration of the bilateral relations hinge upon the identity and ideology of the leadership at the individual level, domestic factors at the state level, and structural factors at the systemic level. In this regard, it seeks to reveal which of the levels of analysis are in play in the determination of bilateral relations since 1948.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document