scholarly journals Payments and Penalties for Democracy: Gendered Electoral Financing in Action Worldwide

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
RAGNHILD MURIAAS ◽  
AMY G. MAZUR ◽  
SEASON HOARD
Keyword(s):  
Financial Incentive ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Causal Mechanism ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Gender Balance ◽  
Sequential Mixed Methods ◽  
Democratic Elections

This article examines the interplay between gendered electoral financing (GEF) and other crucial factors in democratic elections worldwide to determine whether, how, and why these understudied mechanisms help achieve gender balance in national parliaments. Integrating qualitative comparative analysis and minimalist causal mechanism case studies, the sequential mixed methods study of GEF implementation in 31 elections in 17 countries shows that enhanced gender balance is achieved when GEF is combined with several conditions, providing a much-needed financial incentive—payments and penalties—for party gatekeepers and eligible women to change their behavior. In successful cases of top-down GEF implementation, gender quotas combine with a PR electoral system or a 15% minimum of women MPs, a measure developed for this study. Success in bottom-up GEF implementation is unexpected and complex and occurs without a quota. The article ends with a discussion of the research agenda, policy recommendations, and implications for the pursuit of democratic quality.

scholarly journals ¿Hacia la consolidación política? Cambios en la "estructura de oportunidades electorales" de las mujeres en Argentina

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Alles
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Multivariate Statistical ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Systemic Factors ◽  
Socio Economic Variables ◽  
Las Mujeres

RESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo determinar los cambios de la «estructura de oportunidades electorales» de las mujeres en Argentina a lo largo del período 1983-2005, para lo cual el trabajo va más allá de los análisis estáticos usuales y examina los elementos dinámicos del proceso. Desde la perspectiva institucional, la elección de mujeres está condicionada en primer lugar por las características del diseño electoral: la introducción de cuotas de género es reconocida por la literatura como un dispositivo clave para facilitar la elección de mujeres, pero su efectividad se ve condicionada por otros elementos del sistema electoral, tal como la magnitud de distritos, pero también por las características del sistema de partidos. Basado en un análisis estadístico multivariado, el artículo encuentra evidencia que sostiene que, tras un período donde la elección de mujeres se explica mediante factores político-institucionales, en las últimas elecciones los factores sistémicos pierden capacidad explicativa, aun cuando se controla el efecto de las variables socioeconómicas, lo que indica que la elección de mujeres se explica por factores no incluidos en el análisis, eventualmente partidarios o personales. Estos resultados sugieren que las cuotas han tenido efectos de largo alcance, haciendo posible la consolidación de la posición política de las mujeres.ABSTRACT: This article has as main goal to know the changes suffered by the «electoral opportunity structure» of women in Argentina through the period 1983-2005, for which purpose the work goes beyond usual static analyses and examine the dynamic elements of the process. From the institutional perspective, the election of women is conditioned at first for the features of the electoral design: the introduction of gender quotas is highlighted by the literature as a key device to make easy the election of women, but its effectiveness is conditioned by the other elements of the electoral system. Based on a multivariate statistical analysis, this article finds evidence that maintains that, after a period where the election of women is explained by political-institutional factors, in the last elections the systemic factors lost explanatory ability, even when the effect of socio-economic variables is kept under control, which points out that the election of women is explained by non included factors, eventually partisan or individual ones. These results suggest that the quotas have had long-range effects, making possible the consolidation of the political position of women.

De kracht van de definitie : een vergelijking van quotawetten in Argentinië, België en Frankrijk

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-100
Author(s):  
Petra Meier
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Sex Ratios ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Gender Balance ◽  
System A ◽  
Input Side ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
French Gender

Gender quota do not always go hand in hand with a considerable rise in the number of women elected. Although the number of fe/male representatives elected depends on several factors, we argue that the stipulations of gender quota acts influence to a large extent their impact on the sex ratios in politics. This is not so much due to the share of fe/male candidates parties have to present than to the extent to which a gender quota act anticipates the particularities of the electoral system. A comparative analysis of three prominent cases, the Argentinean, Belgian and French gender quota acts, shows that the more a gender quota rule targets at the specificities of the electoral system in order to promote a gender balance in political representation, the more this rule 'guarantees' a result, even though gender quota acts concern but the input side of the electoral process.

scholarly journals The Consequences of Quotas: Assessing the Effect of Varied Gender Quotas on Legislator Experience in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Andrea S. Aldrich ◽  
William T. Daniel
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Using Data

Abstract This article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.

Not much happened: The impact of gender quotas in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Impact

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

Quotas and qualifications: the impact of gender quota laws on the qualifications of legislators in the Italian parliament

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Catalano Weeks ◽  
Lisa Baldez
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Design ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Government Experience ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Mixed Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
The Impact

This article addresses concerns that candidates nominated because of gender quota laws will be less qualified for office. While questions of candidate quality have long been relevant to legislative behavior, quota laws requiring a certain percentage of candidates for national office to be women have generated renewed interest. Gender quotas are often perceived to reduce the scope of political competition. By putting gender identity center stage, they preclude the possibility that elections will be based on ‘ideas’ or ‘merit’ alone. Other electoral rules that restrict candidate selection, such as the centralization of candidate selection common in closed list PR systems, have been found to reduce the quality of candidates. Rules that open selection, such as primaries, result in higher quality candidates. We exploit the institutional design of Italy’s mixed electoral system in 1994, where quotas were applied only to the PR portion of the list, to compare the qualifications of men, women, and ‘quota women’. We estimate regressions on several measures of deputies’ qualifications for office and performance in office. We find that unlike other rules limiting candidate selection, quotas are not associated with lower quality on most measures of qualifications. In fact, quota women have more local government experience than other legislators and lower rates of absenteeism than their male counterparts. Contrary to critics, quota laws may have apositiveimpact on legislator quality. Once the quota law was rescinded, quota women were less likely to be re-elected than non-quota women or men, which suggests that discrimination – not qualification – limits women’s status as candidates.

Electoral Systems and Policy Outcomes

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie J. Rickard
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Causal Mechanism ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Policy Effects ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cross National

Policies as diverse as tariffs, exchange rates, and unemployment insurance vary across democratic countries. In an attempt to explain this cross-national variation, scholars have turned to the institutions that govern countries’ elections. The institutions that regulate elections, also known as an electoral system, vary significantly across democracies. Can these varied electoral institutions explain the diversity of policies observed? This question remains unanswered. Despite a growing body of research, little consensus exists as to precisely how electoral institutions affect policy. Why is it so difficult to untangle the effects of electoral institutions on economic policy? One reason for the confusion may be the imprecise manner in which electoral institutions are often measured. Better measures of electoral systems may improve our understanding of their policy effects. Improved theories that clarify the causal mechanism(s) linking electoral systems to policy outcomes will also help to clarify the relationship between electoral systems and policies. To better understand the policy effects of electoral institutions, both theoretical and empirical work must take seriously contextual factors, such as geography, which likely mediate the effects of electoral institutions. Finally, different types of empirical evidence are needed to shed new light on the policy effects of electoral institutions. It is difficult to identify the effects of electoral systems in cross-national studies because of the many other factors that vary across countries. Examining within-country variations, such as changes in district magnitude, may provide useful new insights regarding the effects of electoral institutions on policy.

Malaysia's Electoral System: Government of the People?

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Tsun Hang Tey
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Electoral Reforms ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Election Laws ◽  
Election Commission

AbstractThis article seeks to examine the constitutional and legal aspects of Malaysia's election laws (within its first-past-the-post electoral system) seen within the broader socio-political context of Malaysia's plural society and ethnic-based political representation to evaluate if they conform to democratic principles and equitable standards. In particular, this article seeks to: (i) explore how the growth of the dominant political elite has had direct implications for the development of Malaysia's electoral regime and arrangements for the holding of democratic elections; (ii) survey the implementation and enforcement of the election laws, including the Elections Act, Election Offences Act, Election Commission Act, Election Petition Rules and Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations; (iii) examine the need of immunity for the Election Commission; (iv) examine the role of the judiciary; and (v) highlight the areas for urgent electoral reforms to restore public confidence in the electoral system and ensure the legitimacy of the political system.

European integration, party strategies, and state restructuring: a comparative analysis

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Dardanelli
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Causal Mechanism ◽  
Sharp Drop ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Party Strategies ◽  
State Restructuring ◽  
The Cross

To what extent and in what way does European integration fuel state restructuring? This is a long-standing but still not a fully answered question. While the theoretical literature suggests a positive link between the two, previous empirical studies have reached contrasting conclusions. The article offers an alternative testing of the proposition, centred on the role of party strategies as a causal mechanism, analysed across space and time. On the cross-sectional axis, it focusses on parties in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium), Lombardy and Sicily (Italy), Catalonia and Andalusia (Spain), and Scotland and Wales (United Kingdom). On the cross-temporal axis, it focuses on four critical junctures connecting integration and state restructuring. It analyses the degree to which ‘Europe’ has been strategically used in connection to state restructuring and which conditions have been necessary and/or sufficient to that outcome. The analysis has been conducted on the basis of a Qualitative Comparative Analysis methodology. Five main results emerge: (1) overall, parties have generally exploited ‘Europe’ in connection with state restructuring to a limited extent only but in a few cases exploitation has been very intense and intimately linked to strategic turning points; (2) ‘Europe’ has overwhelmingly been used to support state restructuring; (3) the most intense use has been made by regional parties with a secessionist position and positive attitude to the EU; (4) ‘use of Europe’ is a product of a complex conjunctural effect of several conditions; (5) it has increased over time but is not a linear product of integration, a sharp drop can be observed between the two most recent time points. These findings show that European integration can indeed exercise causal influence upon state restructuring via party strategies but that this is highly contingent on the complex interaction of multiple factors.

When does politics stop at the water’s edge? A QCA of parliamentary consensus on military deployment decisions

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Haesebrouck ◽  
Anouschka van Immerseel
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Military Deployment ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
The Military ◽  
Domestic Level ◽  
Do So

AbstractWhy do some military deployment decisions lead to high levels of political contestation, whereas others do not? Or, put differently, when does parliamentary consensus on the use of force abroad exist? In this article, we aim to answer this question by focusing on the varying levels of consensus in national parliaments when taking military deployment decisions. We do so by examining conditions that were derived from research on the domestic-level determinants of the use of force, parliamentary voting, and opposition behaviour. These conditions were included in an integrated theoretical framework, which we tested with fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The results of our analysis show that the international legal status and the objectives of the military operation are of crucial importance for explaining the pattern of political contestation. However, domestic variables need to be taken into account as well to fully explain the level of political contestation of military deployment decisions.

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