A Medieval Skin Boat

Antiquity ◽  
1962 ◽  
Vol 36 (141) ◽  
pp. 32-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Johnstone

Skin boats have an assured but unsatisfactory place in history. Assured, because the literary references to them are many and interesting. Unsatisfactory, S because archaeologically it is unlikely that any remains, by their nature, will ever be found to give an idea of what they were 1ike. James Hornell has summarized many of the literary references to the part they played in Northern Europe during the Classical and Dark Ages in his well-known work on British coracles and Irish curraghs. In the Roman period they are mentioned by Caesar, Lucan, Pliny, Strabo, Solinus, Sidonius Apollinaris and Avienus. Pliny specifically mentions their part in the cross-channel tin trade. The references in Caesar and Lucan are also particularly significant, as will become clear below.Later in the Dark Ages, according to the old Irish stories, Bran and Maelduin used curraghs, or hide-covered boats, for their voyages and Teigue, son of Cian, raided nearly to Spain. In the other direction, St Brendan reached the Shetlands and possibly Iceland as well. St Columba, of course, travelled from Ireland to Iona in a curragh. Niall of the Nine Hostages raided Wales in a fleet of curraghs and his grandson, Breccan, lost 50 in Breccan’s Cauldron, the Corryvreckan which fishermen still avoid today. In the medieval period, Froissart and Holinshed show that Caesar’s use of leather-covered coracles to get armies across rivers survived amongst the troops of Edward III and Henry V, though one imagines they were stouter craft than those described by Giraldus Cambrensis in his Description of Wales, which, Giraldus claimed, could be overturned by a blow from the tail of the salmon which the coracle fishermen were trying to catch.

Antiquity ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 29 (114) ◽  
pp. 77-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Jackson

The archaeological background of the people of what is now Scotland south of the Forth and Clyde in the Roman period was a La Téne one, and specifically chiefly Iron Age B. This links them intimately with the Britons of southern Britain in the conglomeration of Celtic tribes who called themselves Brittones and spoke what we call the Brittonic or Ancient British form of Celtic, from which are descended the three modern languages of Welsh, Cornish and Breton. To the north of the Forth was a different people, the Picts. They too were Celts or partly Celts; probably not Brittones however, but a different branch of the Celtic race, though more closely related to the Brittones than to the Goidels of Ireland and (in later times) of the west of Scotland. Not being Brittonic, the Picts may be ignored here. Our southern Scottish Brittones are nothing but the northern portion of a common Brittonic population, from the southern portion of which come the people of Wales and Cornwall. Some historians speak of the northern Brittones as Welsh, following good Anglo-Saxon precedent, but this is apt to lead to confusion. The best term for them, in the Dark Ages and early Medieval period, as long as they survived, is ‘Cumbrians’, and for their language, ‘Cumbric’. They called themselves in Latin Cumbri and Cumbrenses, which is a Latinization of the native word Cymry, meaning ‘fellow-countrymen’, which both they and the Welsh used of themselves in common, and is still the Welsh name for the Welsh to the present day. The centre of their power was Strathclyde, the Clyde valley, with their capital at Dumbarton.


Antiquity ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 42 (166) ◽  
pp. 109-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Biddle

Urban archaeology in Britain is still in its infancy, conditioned on the one hand by a concentration on the Roman period to the detriment of later centuries, on the other by a lack of close co-operation between historians and archaeologists. Only since the last war has archaeology begun to be accepted in Britain as an important source of evidence for the history of towns. This growth of interest in urban archaeology is partly due to the example set by European scholars working in the same field.Many of our important towns were founded during the Roman occupation and this has given to their archaeology a character wholly different from that typical of the towns of northern Europe. The needs of Romano-British archaeology have dominated the excavation of towns, partly because classical studies have been fundamental to British education, and partly because medieval historians have not regarded archaeology as relevant to their interests.


Author(s):  
V. Mizuhira ◽  
Y. Futaesaku

Previously we reported that tannic acid is a very effective fixative for proteins including polypeptides. Especially, in the cross section of microtubules, thirteen submits in A-tubule and eleven in B-tubule could be observed very clearly. An elastic fiber could be demonstrated very clearly, as an electron opaque, homogeneous fiber. However, tannic acid did not penetrate into the deep portion of the tissue-block. So we tried Catechin. This shows almost the same chemical natures as that of proteins, as tannic acid. Moreover, we thought that catechin should have two active-reaction sites, one is phenol,and the other is catechole. Catechole site should react with osmium, to make Os- black. Phenol-site should react with peroxidase existing perhydroxide.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Anna M. V. Bowden
Keyword(s):  

The interpretive history of Revelation is overrun with descriptions of Jesus as a sacrificial lamb. Yet, John never uses the popular phrase to describe him. By drawing attention to four significant omissions in the text, I argue against atonement readings of “the Lamb” in Revelation. Revelation is not a theological treatise on the meaning of the cross. It feeds questions about power and violence and admonishes the seven churches against participation in their imperial context. John’s slaughtered lamb, therefore, does not evoke a paschal sacrifice; it points to Rome’s penchant for violence. Joining the other bloodied bodies in Revelation, the lamb’s blood further incriminates Rome. Everywhere one looks in John’s depiction of empire, violence lurks. Finally, the only altar in Revelation is the heavenly altar, and this altar is not a place for sacrifice. The heavenly altar is a place where the laments of the suffering are heard, a place for worshipping God, and a place where Rome will meet its judgment. John’s Jesus is not a self-sacrificing spiritual savior; he bears witness to the bloodthirsty, massacre-loving beast-of-all-beasts. Churches must choose their allegiance.


Behaviour ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 109 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 191-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nobuo Masataka ◽  
Kazuo Fujita

AbstractForaging vocalizations given by Japanese and rhesus momkeys reared by their biological mothers differed from each other in a single parameter. Calls made by a Japanese monkey fostered by a rhesus female were dissimilar to those of conspecifics reared by their biological mothers, but similar to those of rhesus monkeys reared by their biological mothers, and the vocalizations given by rhesus monkeys fostered by Japanese monkey mothers were dissimilar to those of conspecifics reared by their biological mothers, but similar to those of Japanese monkeys reared by their biological mothers. Playback experiments revealed that both Japanese and rhesus monkeys distinguished between the calls of Japanese monkeys reared by their biological mothers and of the cross-fostered rhesus monkeys on one hand, and the vocalizations of rhesus monkeys reared by their biological mothers and of the cross-fostered Japanese monkey on the other hand. Thus, production of species-specific vocalizations was learned by each species, and it was the learned species-difference which the monkeys themselves discriminated.


Author(s):  
Nina Korbozerova ◽  
Olena Obruchnikova

Complex attributive sentences in the Spanish language of the medieval period are characterized by a vague expression of the degree of syntactic subordination. During the XII-XVI centuries there is a process of constant enrichment of meanings and forms of complex attributive sentences. The final formation of the structural organization of a complex attributive sentence ended in the XVII century, in the period of unification and formation of the national Spanish language. Starting from the Old Spanish period, the externally formal homogeneity of models of a complex attributive sentence is disturbed by deep internal complications of semantic connections between the main and subordinate parts. Thus, in the Middle Spanish period, a complex attributive sentence gradually reformatted its structural organization by strengthening the contact position of the nominal center of subordination with the conjunctions and strengthening bilateral links between predicative components, which further contributed to the normalization of the position of the subordinate part. On the other hand, there is an intensive mutual replacement of some conjunctions with others. In the Old Spanish period, the conjunctions bigan to lose their uncoordinated lexical correlation between the correlative word and the supporting noun in the main part. This trend contributed to the consolidation of the structural organization of a complex attributive sentence, which was realized in the early Spanish period.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Bernard Remiche ◽  
Charles-Etienne Lagasse

The 1970 amended Belgian Constitution is at the cross-roads of two currents of history, on one hand, once more the traditional values of the Occidental society ; on the other hand a double communal pressure contests an unitary state : from underneath affirmation of three Belgiannational communities, from above, apparition of a «supra-national party».The authors make a critical examination of the cropping up of bonding institutions in a «pré-fédéral» state, then they clearly state the principles of a really federal Constitution based upon the acknowledgement of the 2 large communities and the 3 regions and the principles of a democratic organization of an economic politic.


Archaeologia ◽  
1779 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 335-339
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bartlet

We find amongst the coins minted at Durham, during the reigns of the three first Edwards, several pennies bearing particular marks in some one or other part of the coin: one has a cross moline at the beginning of the legend on each side of the piece; a second has the same cross in the second quarter of the reverse; a third has it at the beginning of the legend on the obverse only; another has a lion rampant betwixt two fleurs de lis in the same place. Some of these being placed where in succeeding reigns the mint mark stood, have been taken notice of by two writers on these subjects, but no reasons assigned for their use. There are also from the same mint two others, which have the upright limb of the cross turned in the form of a pastoral staff, one of them to the right, the other to the left; they are said to have come from the bishops mint, but the prelates name are not mentioned.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 653-671 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Masselink ◽  
E. Van Roekel ◽  
B.L. Hankin ◽  
L. Keijsers ◽  
G.M.A. Lodder ◽  
...  

Many longitudinal studies have investigated whether self–esteem predicts depressive symptoms (vulnerability model) or the other way around (scar model) in adolescents. The most common method of analysis has been the cross–lagged panel model (CLPM). The CLPM does not separate between–person effects from within–person effects, making it unclear whether the results from previous studies actually reflect the within–person effects or whether they reflect differences between people. We investigated the associations between self–esteem and depressive symptoms at the within–person level, using random intercept cross–lagged panel models (RI–CLPMs). To get an impression of the magnitude of possible differences between the RI–CLPM and the CLPM, we compared the results of both models. We used data from three longitudinal adolescent samples (age range: 7–18 years; study 1: N = 1948; study 2: N = 1455; study 3: N = 316). Intervals between the measurements were 1–1.5 years. Single–paper meta–analyses showed support for small within–person associations from self–esteem to depressive symptoms, but not the other way around, thus only providing some support for the vulnerability model. The cross–lagged associations in the aggregated RI–CLPM and CLPM showed similar effect sizes. Overall, our results show that over 1– to 1.5–year time intervals, low self–esteem may negatively influence depressive symptoms over time within adolescents, but only weakly so. © 2018 The Authors. European Journal of Personality published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Association of Personality Psychology


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document