The Appeal of the Political Entrepreneur

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Jones

In its purest form a collective good is said to possess the characteristics of non-rivalness in consumption and non-price exclusion. Non-rivalness implies that consumption to the full by one person in no way impedes the consumption of that same quantity by others. This does not mean that the same subjective benefit is derived by each individual, but simply that consumption by one individual does not interfere with the benefits derived by another. The characteristic of non-exclusion requires that if the good is provided to one then it is provided to all. It is this attribute in particular which casts doubt on the likelihood that, in a large group, individuals will voluntarily reveal their preferences for the good. Goods which are not perfectly rival but which are price exclusive may be provided in the market by clubs. However, when an individual's consumption of a good is not dependent on his making a contribution to its provision the individual utility maximizer may be inclined to ‘free ride’, in the hope of enjoying the good at no personal expense. It is clear that if all individuals act in the same manner this good is not likely to be provided in the private market.

Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie K. Hansen ◽  
Ida E. H. Madsen ◽  
Sannie Vester Thorsen ◽  
Ole Melkevik ◽  
Jakob Bue Bjørner ◽  
...  

Aims: Most previous prospective studies have examined workplace social capital as a resource of the individual. However, literature suggests that social capital is a collective good. In the present study we examined whether a high level of workplace aggregated social capital (WASC) predicts a decreased risk of individual-level long-term sickness absence (LTSA) in Danish private sector employees. Methods: A sample of 2043 employees (aged 18–64 years, 38.5% women) from 260 Danish private-sector companies filled in a questionnaire on workplace social capital and covariates. WASC was calculated by assigning the company-averaged social capital score to all employees of each company. We derived LTSA, defined as sickness absence of more than three weeks, from a national register. We examined if WASC predicted employee LTSA using multilevel survival analyses, while excluding participants with LTSA in the three months preceding baseline. Results: We found no statistically significant association in any of the analyses. The hazard ratio for LTSA in the fully adjusted model was 0.93 (95% CI 0.77–1.13) per one standard deviation increase in WASC. When using WASC as a categorical exposure we found a statistically non-significant tendency towards a decreased risk of LTSA in employees with medium WASC (fully adjusted model: HR 0.78 (95% CI 0.48–1.27)). Post hoc analyses with workplace social capital as a resource of the individual showed similar results. Conclusions: WASC did not predict LTSA in this sample of Danish private-sector employees.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Alexander Rubtsov

In the article, the relationship between the highest professional specialization of philosophy and its involvement in the realities of everyday life consciousness, collective and individual, are considered. Karl Jaspers defines philosophy precisely through the natural need and ability of human being as such, from the piercing questions of children to the revelations of anomalous geniuses. Great philosophers only concentrate this sleeping ability in a person to see the world directly and every time anew. Rightly considered the most closed type of intellectual activity, philosophy at the same time provides examples of live communication and direct appeal to people and society.  The fact that each of us is the bearer of philosophical ideas (whether we are aware of it or not) leads to the problem of ideology. By analogy with the constitution of the political by Carl Schmitt through the opposition "friend — enemy", ideology is constituted by the opposition of "faith — knowledge" in a single continuum between the poles of "almost religion" and "almost philosophy". If ideology asserts the non-obvious as obvious, then the mission of philosophy is a systematic criticism of the obvious.  This conflict manifests itself both in society and in the consciousness of an individual.  The classic understanding of ideology as a purely external manipulation (“consciousness for the Other”) is challenged by the presence in the consciousness of the individual subject of “internal dialogue” and “internal speech” with the effects of ideological work and ideological struggle with oneself (the individual as a micromodel of society and the state).  Postmodern all the more accentuates the non-professional dimension of philosophy by rejecting the schemes of progress and hierarchy, the logic of binary oppositions, including high and low, center and marginal, specialized and amateur.  The ability to reflect is the most important feature of a sovereign personality in its resistance to the "penetrating" ideology and new mythology, degrading to intellectual barbarism and political savagery.


2021 ◽  
pp. arabic cover-english cover
Author(s):  
أحمد حساني

يندرج هذا البحث ضمن مشروع تأسيسي، وتأصيلي هادف، يسعى إلى تعزيز المقاربة اللسانية البينية للنسق اللغوي بكل مكوناته، والبحث عن قوة الحضور التي يمتلكها، والسلطة التي يمارسها على الفرد منتجِ الخطاب، وعلى الجماعة التي تشكل المجتمع اللغوي؛ حيث إنَّ اللغة قوة فاعلة لها سلطة داخلية وخارجية، تتجلى سلطتها الداخلية في نظامها القواعدي المعقد الذي يوجد بصفة مضمرة في أذهان المتكلمين- المستمعين الذين ينتمون إلى مجتمع له خصوصيات ثقافية وحضارية متجانسة. وتتجلى سلطتها الخارجية في المؤسسة السياسية، والاجتماعية والعرفية التي تكرّس شرعية النسق اللغوي في المجتمع اللغوي. وفي ظل هذا التصور، انصرفت هذه المقاربة إلى التعامل مع النسق اللغوي، من حيث هو سلطة قهرية، والبحث في علاقته باللغة العالمة من جهة، واللغة المؤسسية من جهة أخرى. تسعى هذه الدراسة، حينئذٍ، إلى إيجاد إجابات علميةكافية، عن كثير من الأسئلة التي ما فتئت تشغل بال الباحثين، على اختلاف اهتماماتهم العلمية أثناء اتخاذهم اللغة موضوعًا للتفكير، والبحث المؤسس. نذكر في هذا المقام بعضَها لأهميته: 1- ما القوة الخفية الكامنة في (ما وراء) ممارسة اللغة لسلطتها القهرية لدى الأفراد والمجتمعات؟ 2- كيف شكلت الرواسب الأدائية للكلام هذه السلطة عبر التاريخ ؟ 3- إلى أي حد يمكن للغتين؛ العالمة، والمؤسسية التأثير في مسار النسق اللغوي في مجتمع المعرفة، والنظام المؤسسي في المجتمع؟ This research falls within a constituent, and Authentic project that seeks to enhance Interdisciplinary approach with all components parts of linguistic system to search for the presence power, that possesses the power, that it exercises on the individual who produces the discourse, and on the group; which make up the linguistic community as an effective force language, that has internal and external authority, which reflects its internal authority in its complex grammatical system, that exists implicitly in the minds of speakers - listeners belonging to a society with homogeneous cultural and civilizational privacies. The external authority is manifested in the political, social, and traditional institution; that devotes the legitimacy of the linguistic system in the linguistic community. Under this scenario; the approach went out to deal with the linguistic system in terms of it is a compulsive authority research, and its relationship to the scholarly language on the hand, and the institutional language on the other hand. This intervention seeks to find scientific answers for many questions, that still preoccupy the researchers from different scientific interests during taking the language as a topic of thought and institutional research. We mention certain questions for its importance: 1- What is the hidden power behind language practicing its oppressive authority in individuals and societies? 2- How did the performance remnants of speech shape this authority throughout history? 3- To what extent can the scholarly language and institutional languages influence the path of a linguistic system in the knowledge society, and the institutional system in the community?


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Mariana de Genova Ferreira ◽  
Gisele Pereira de Souza

Ao analisar as teorias de Pierre Bourdieu e Paulo Freire sobre educação, bem como a posição acadêmica e política dos autores sobre o tema, o artigo pretende refletir sobre projeto ‘Escola sem Partido’ e sua implicação em relação à prática dentro da sala de aula. Tal movimento que, nos últimos tempos, ganhou destaque no cenário brasileiro é contra o que chama de doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte dos professores e a usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos. Constatou-se que no cenário brasileiro atual existe uma iniciativa de diminuir a força da análise crítica dentro das escolas. A própria natureza do ‘Escola sem Partido’ traz essa premissa, pois a intenção de desmerecer a posição política do professor junto aos seus alunos demonstra que o propósito seja desqualificar a iniciativa de incentivar uma consciência crítica, o que, de múltiplas formas discutidas no presente estudo, colabora para que a relação oprimido e opressor prospere.Palavras-chave: Educação. Autonomia do Indivíduo. Escola sem Partido Reflections about ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspired by the theories of Paulo Freire and Pierre BourdieuAnalyzing the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Paulo Freire on education, as well as the academic and political position of the authors on the theme, the article intends to reflect on the project “Escola Sem Partido” and its implication in relation to the practice within the classroom. This movement, which recently gained prominence in the Brazilian scenario, is against what it calls the political and ideological indoctrination of students by teachers and the usurpation of the rights of parents in the moral and religious education of their children. It was found that in the current Brazilian scenario there is an initiative to reduce the force of critical analysis within schools. The very nature of the “Escola Sem Partido” has this premise, since the intention to discredit the teacher’s political position with his students demonstrates that the purpose is to disqualify the initiative to encourage a critical conscience. What, in many ways is discussed in the present study, contributes to the oppressed and oppressive relationship to thrive.Keywords: Education. Autonomy of the Individual. Escola sem Partido. Reflexiones sobre la ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspirada por las teorías de Paulo Freire y Pierre BourdieuRESUMENAl analizar las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu y Paulo Freire sobre educación, así como la posición académica y política de los autores sobre el tema, el artículo pretende reflexionar sobre proyecto “Escola sem Partido” y su implicación con relación a la práctica dentro del aula. Tal movimiento, que en los últimos tiempos ganó destaque en el escenario brasileño está en contra lo que llama de adoctrinamiento político e ideológico de los alumnos por parte de los profesores y la usurpación de los derechos de los padres en la educación moral y religiosa de sus hijos. Se constató que en el escenario brasileño actual existe una iniciativa de disminuir la fuerza del análisis crítico dentro de las escuelas. La propia naturaleza de la “Escola sem Partido” aporta esa premisa, pues la intención de desmerecer la posición política del profesor junto a sus alumnos demuestra que el propósito sea descalificar la iniciativa de incentivar una conciencia crítica. Lo que, de múltiples formas discutidas en el presente estudio, colabora para que la relación oprimido y opresor prospere.Palabras clave: La educación. Autonomía del individuo. Escola sem Partido.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-151
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Trzeciak ◽  
Jakob Ziguras

The goal of this essay is twofold: firstly, it is a description a post-critical tendency within the contemporary, Anglo-American humanities; secondly, it presents propositions which broaden the boundaries current in the post-critical current, which lead to the replacement of critical sci-entificity with an affirmation of everyday readerly affects. The claims regarding the rejection of a criticism based on suspicion, formulated by, among others, Rita Felski, accentuate the elite character of reading, the goal of which is the unveiling of the economico- political entan-glement of the text as a product of historical reality. The distrust towards the surface of the text and the illusion of aesthetic autonomy, central for cultural studies, raised the critical atti-tude to the rank of an activity that is revelatory and privileged. The opponents of an unmask-ing criticism underline its limitations—unmasking reveals the ultimate source of every cultural production, the logic of capitalism, the total character of which leaves no chance for change. In defense of change, and in the hope of restoring to literature a widespread interest, there appear tendencies which bring back the individual experience of reading, the basis of which is to be aesthetic pleasure, freed from the historical context and its determinants. In the article, examples of such tendencies will be pointed out, as also will be their consequences caused by the elevation and universalisation of non-professional reading. The rejection of the political task of criticism leads to the questioning of its anti-systemic potential; in turn, the apotheosis of suspicion paralyses the postulative dimension of criticism. For this reason, in the last part of the essay, I propose going beyond oppositional con ceptualisations in the direction of a criti-cism that is situated and material, and whose model, in my rendering, is subordi nated knowledge.


Author(s):  
Stephane Pinon

En los discursos jurídicos se multiplican las referencias al «constitucionalismo global», sobre todo desde que brotó la pandemia del covid19. El concepto en fase de construcción aparece a la vez como una solución y como un problema ante el desarrollo de la globalización y de la interacción entre los actores jurídicos. Nuestro estudio privilegia el segundo aspecto. El dramaturgo Jean Giraudoux planteó que «El derecho es la más poderosa escuela de la imaginación. Nunca poeta ninguno ha interpretado la naturaleza tan libremente como un jurista la realidad». Más allá de los sueños, preferimos poner de relieve tres puntos: la perspectiva de un nuevo tipo de oligarquía tras el constitucionalismo global, las amenazas de una combinación entre la depreciación del «político» y la centralidad del individuo, el discurso de la convergencia de los derechos humanos que desenmascara la presencia de un imperialismo cultural. Enfocado al constitucionalismo global, ¿qué hacer del derecho constitucional europeo: un modelo sugestivo o perturbador?In the juridical discourses the references to the global constitutionalism are multiplying themselves, in particular since the arrival of the Covid 19. This concept, in the middle of construction, appears as a solution as well as a problem, confronted to the development of the globalization and the interaction between the juridical actors. This study is prioritizing the second aspect. The playwright Jean Giraudoux used this formula: «the law is the most powerful of schools for the imagination. No poet ever interpreted nature as freely as a lawyer interprets the truth». Beyond the utopias, I’d rather underline three points: the perspective of a new type of oligarchy behind the global constitutionalism; the threats of a combination of the devaluation of the political power and the centrality of the individual; and eventually the discourse to the convergence of the human rights, which hides the presence of a cultural imperialism. To conclude, inside this reflexion about the global constitutionalism, how to consider the European constitutional law: as a role model to follow, or as a model to reject?


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven E. Finkel ◽  
Edward N. Muller ◽  
Mitchell A. Seligson

While much is known about the effects of the economy on the popularity and electoral fortunes of political leaders, political scientists know very little about how economic decline and political performance influence support for the political regime and the stability of democratic systems. We use three cross-national longitudinal surveys to address this issue: two collected in Costa Rica in the midst of a severe economic crisis in the late 1970s and early 1980s; and one in West Germany during the recession of the mid-1970s. We show that in both countries, overall support for the political regime remained extremely high during the economic decline, while satisfaction with incumbent performance fluctuated much more sharply. Moreover, at the individual level, changes in satisfaction with incumbent performance were only weakly related to changes in regime support. These results provide strong evidence suggesting that if democracies enter economic downturns with initially high levels of regime support, they will be able to withstand even severe, prolonged crises of economic performance.


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