Legitimacy and Mass Compliance: Reflections on Max Weber and Soviet-Type Societies

1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pakulski

It is worthwhile debating the meaning of concepts only when they start to hinder the process of inquiry. This seems to be the case with Max Weber's concepts of legitimacy and legitimate authority. They are becoming increasingly popular among students of Soviet-type societies despite the numerous problems posed by their application in a socio-political context that is so different from the one Weber had in mind. This increased popularity results in a ‘conceptual stretch’. More importantly, it increases the danger of a serious misinterpretation of socio-political processes in Soviet-type societies because, as will be argued in this article, the concept of legitimacy is not appropriate for the analysis of mass compliance in such societies. Instead, the persistence of (relatively) stable social and political order in these societies, as well as the occurrences of mass dissent, may be better accounted for in terms of ‘conditional tolerance’. In order to demonstrate the utility of this concept, and to show the problematic nature of accounts in terms of legitimacy and legitimate authority, it is necessary to start with a brief reprise of Weber's conceptual scheme.

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 316-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hinnerk Bruhns

Max Weber’s much-commented speech of January 1919 on ‘ Politik als Beruf’ is analysed in this article in a double context – on the one hand, in the concrete political context of the months of January and February 1919; on the other hand, in connection with his major political treatises, especially Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order. This leads to a reassessment of Weber’s concept of the professional politician, as well as to the insight that the frequent translation of the title of his lecture to ‘Politics as a Vocation’ does not touch the core of Weber’s view of politics in parliamentary democracies.


2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-155
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Molnar

Although the philosophy (as well as the whole movement) of Enlightenment was born in the Netherlands and England in the late 17th and early 18th century, there were considerable problems in defying the freedom. By the mid 18th century, under the influence of ?national mercantilism? (Max Weber), the freedom was perceived in more and more collective terms, giving bith to the political option of national liberalism. That is why in the second half of 18th century this two countries have been progresively loosing importance for the movement of Enlightenment and two new countries emerged at its leading position, striving for democratic liberalism: United States of America and France. However, individual freedom faced not one, but two dangers during its philosophical and institutional development in the Age of Enlightenment: on the one hand, the danger of wanishing in the national freedom, and, on the other hand, the danger of becoming unbound and (self)destructive. The emerging (national) liberalism in England in the 18th century witnessed the first danger, while the second danger appeared in the wake of the Franch revolution. The French were the first in the Modern epohe to realise that the light of freedom is to powerful to be used without considerable precaussions in the establishement of liberal civil society. Therefore, some moderation hat to be taken into consideration. The idea of humanity, i.e. human rights, was at the end found as most helpful in solving the task of preserving individual freedom, without sacrifying social bonds between free individuals.


2018 ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Anna Citkowska-Kimla

The paper touches on the topic of optimism, allowing for a thesis of the peaceful coexistence of states to be proposed. This type of thinking was represented by the German philosopher and psychiatrist Karl Jaspers. Jaspers took the view that philosophy brings about political consequences that need to be observed and examined. He was influenced by Max Weber, from whom he adopted the idea of the salvation of Western heritage, embodied in the spirit of liberalism, freedom and diversity of private life. According to Jaspers, Germans should abandon their desire for military supremacy in favor of the dissemination of such universal ideas as freedom. In the interwar period Jaspers wrote a book about the spiritual situation of his times where he touched on the issue of the outcomes of technological progress for the existential dimension of man, who enjoys freedom on the one hand, and is responsible for himself on the other. He concluded by saying that in the face of such technical developments warfare poses a threat to biological survival and to freedom, since it destroys human self-responsibility. Jaspers noticed the problem of an individual being threatened by alienated social institutions, and as a consequence he proposed the thesis of the depersonalization of individual existence. The totalitarian system Jaspers had experienced encouraged him to revise the theoretical aspects and to develop a competitive, libertarian solution. Jaspers strongly emphasized individualism and the responsibility of individuals whose present influences the future. Jaspers’ ideas may be deemed to be remote from realism, since liberalism is a golden mean, neither preventing international wars nor appeasing political national arenas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Muhammad Solahudin ◽  
Ecep Ismail ◽  
Irwan Abdurrohman

On the one hand, in the environment of the Pesantren salaf community, a kind of environment and tradition is formed which shows its unique, even unique characteristics, which are only understood by the community. Gus Dur, in this case, stated that the Pesantren salaf community is a community that has its own subcultural in the middle of society with the complexity of the problems in it. But on the other hand, there is a very rapid development of science and technology, so it demands pesantren salaf to make changes to adjust to the times, both in terms of the education system, the boarding school environment, institutions, leadership patterns, and others. Therefore, the study contained in the title "Pesantren Salaf: Social Change and Sublimation of Identity (Pesantren Model in West Java)", is very important to be carried out.The purpose of this study is none other than to find the concept of changes that occur in Pesantren salaf in West Java. For more details, they are: 1) uncovering the factors that drive changes in pesantren in West Java; 2) reveal pesantren's efforts in facing the challenges of the times, and 3) find forms of changes that occur in the Pesantren salaf in West Java.This research departs from a thought that social change will occur due to four things. First, Evolution. This theory states that humans as part of a cultured society will naturally develop gradually from simple forms to complex and perfect stages. Second, Conflict. This theory strongly believes that change will only occur if there is conflict. Third. Functional Theory. Social change occurs because of the disharmony between cultural elements. Fourth, Cycle Theory. Social change by itself will occur and cannot be controlled.The method used in this research is descriptive. In the process, the data is collected and compiled. After the data is collected and arranged in such a way, the authors analyze it and provide interpretation, with a qualitative approach. So that it is expected to be able to uncover the realities of the Pesantren salaf which are changing in the community.The results of the study stated that the Pesantren salaf can adapt well to social change by bringing up certain identities. This shift in identity needs to be examined and studied through the theory of action put forward by Max Weber. First, zweckrational. This theory is known as rational-purpose. In doing something always with a good and accurate calculation. Second, wertrational or rational-values. The involvement of the subject is directly involved in matters of absolute importance. The four traditionalists. This theory of action rests on established and established customs or traditions. Traditionalist theories respect existing authority.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 63-80
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Poks

Abstract Using the U.S.-Mexican border as the place of enunciation, Cantú’s autoethnobiographical novel insists on the materiality of the border, especially for those living on its southern side, while simultaneously deconstructing it as artificial - a line splitting families and assigning nationalities on an arbitrary basis. Being a collage of photographs from the time the writer was growing up in southern Texas and the cuentos inspired by these visuals, Cantú’s Canícula documents how border crossings and re-crossings become symptomatic of living in a liminal space and how they destabilize the concept of nationality as bi-national families must learn to live with ambiguity. On the one hand, there is the undeniable materiality of the border, with its pain, fear, deportations, and other discriminatory practices; on the other, there is a growing border community of resistance cultivating the memory that they are not immigrants, that they lived in Texas before the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty. The paper examines the community’s strategies of survival in the contested cultural and social space and advances the thesis that, giving her community an awareness of its homogeneity and reclaiming its place within the larger socio-political context, Cantú becomes an agent of empowerment and change. She helps decolonize knowledge and being.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-55
Author(s):  
Alessandro Ferrara

InRousseau and Critical Theory, Alessandro Ferrara argues that among the modern philosophers who have shaped the world we inhabit, Rousseau is the one to whom we owe the idea that identity can be a source of normativity (moral and political) and that an identity’s potential for playing such a role rests on its capacity for being authentic. This normative idea of authenticity brings unity to Rousseau’s reflections on the negative effects of the social order, on the just political order, on education, and more generally, on ethics. It is also shown to contain important teachings for contemporary Critical Theory, contemporary views of self-constitution (Korsgaard, Frankfurt and Larmore), and contemporary political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Nicolai Von Eggers

In this text, Giorgio Agamben argues that the concept of democracy attests to a political, ontological amphibology: on the one side, democracy describes a constitution of a political order (and in this sense it belongs to public law); on the other side, democracy is a certain form of administration (in which case it belongs to administrative practice). It is argued that this amphibology can be located in the political theories of Aristotle and Jean-Jacques Rousseau who have been instrumental in forming our present conception of politics. Consequently, we misunderstand the fundamental nature of politics, and any hopes of genuine political life must therefore break with this tradition of Western political philosophy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Govert Buijs ◽  
Simon Polinder

This introduction proposes that the re-emergence and rediscovery of religion should be seen against the background of globalization on the one hand and localization on the other. These processes require an open dialogue on the architecture and guiding morality of the global order, in which religion is not only a factor to be taken seriously, but also a participant itself. A Christian contribution to this dialogue can draw on an age-old tradition of Jewish and Christian engagement with the political order, manifesting itself in three genres: judgment, expectation, and exhortation. The introduction also explains the aim of the Kuyper seminars and provides a short overview of the articles in this issue.


1980 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Seaver

Whether Puritanism gave rise to a “work ethic,” and, if so, what the nature of that ethic was, has been a source of controversy since Max Weber published The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism more than seventy years ago. Experienced polemicists have waged international wars of words over its terms, and tyros have won their spurs in the battle. With repect to England, there is at present no agreement either about the reality of a peculiarly Puritan work ethic or about the impact, if any, that such an ethic might have had on the attitudes and behavior of the emerging capitalist bourgeoisie, if such a species indeed existed as a distinctive social class or group in the early modern period. In fact, since perfectly sane and competent historians have questioned on the one hand, whether “Puritanism” is more than a neo-idealist reification of a nonentity, and on the other, whether the early modern middle class is more than a myth, it might be the better part of wisdom to inter the remains of these vexed questions as quietly as possible. What follows is not a perverse attempt to flog a dead horse, if it is dead and a horse, but rather on the basis of a different perspective and different evidence to resurrect a part of what Timothy Breen has called “the non-existent controversy.”


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