Political Cycles, Political Institutions and Public Expenditure in India, 1980–2000

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Sáez ◽  
Aseema Sinha

In Western democracies it is held that parties and their positions affect how politicians choose to make public expenditure and investment. This article examines the public policy choices of politicians in India, a large well-established democracy with remarkable subnational variation. Public expenditure, from education and health to agriculture and irrigation, is analysed. Counterintuitive findings – that election timing and political factors play a strong role in the subnational states, and that party competition increases investment in education – are explained by highlighting the role economic and political uncertainty plays in politicians’ choices. Building a ‘Polanyi’ argument enhanced by a supply-side mechanism highlights the importance of compensation and insurance and the imperatives of political stability for subnational politicians, who attempt to maximize re-election chances in an uncertain environment.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nagihan Ozkanca Andic ◽  
Ekrem Karayilmazlar

The Public Expenditure/GDP ratio is one of the most significant metrics that measure the state's share of the economy. It can be said that there is an interventionist state type in countries where this rate is high, or it can be argued that the share of the public sector in the economy is low in countries where this rate is low. It is also possible to argue that the countries' economic, sociological, and political factors play an essential role in determining this ratio. Regulations, which are the most important tools of the welfare state, may arise through economic controls as well as through social policies. This study aims to find an answer to the question of whether this situation is possible for a developing country such as Turkey while Nordic countries, which determine a system different from other welfare models, succeed in raising social welfare without giving up the principles such as equality and justice that they have despite the globalization effect. The data obtained by various methods were subjected to comparison using the Data Envelopment Analysis method in order to achieve this purpose. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0777/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Dorjana Nano ◽  
Eduina Guga

Public expenditure efficiency has been an issue of concern for many researchers. Studies have shown that public budget of the developed and developing economies is not optimally allocated and managed. Anyway, discrepancies are found between both economies. This paper aims to investigate and critical analyze the allocation of public expenditure in the Republic of Albania. In addition, it provides some relevant comparison of the performance indicators among Albania, regional countries and OECD states. Data provided by the Ministry of Finance and Open Access Data are evaluated by considering the functional classification of the budget expenditure. Results of this study suggest that Albania spends more on social protection and social security, and less on education and health compared with the average of the EU countries and OECD countries. In addition, inefficiency of the public sector is discovered. This research recommends the necessity in the improvement of input allocation by using 70 percent less resources to achieve the same amount of public output and consequently contributing positively on fiscal consolidation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Boyko

ABSTRACTThe political history of Russia and Spain offers an opportunity to compare the measures taken during the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic, maintaining political stability in the state.The state is central to the political system. The stability of the state becomes a key issue for the leaders of the State, for the subjects of political power. Political stability in a democracy requires the preservation of the type of organization of power, which corresponds to the fundamental socioeconomic sentiments and interests of social groups.A political factors of stability belongs the possibility of equal participation in political life for all social strata, in accordance with law and democratic traditions, and the presence of political institutions. The State must be socially and serve the citizen and society. It has been shown that the state should participate in the regulation of the economy and currency. Political stability in the international level is achieved by the multipolar balance and diversity of sovereign states and equitable.RESUMENLa historia política de Rusia y España ofrece una oportunidad para comparar las medidas adoptadas durante la transición de un régimen autoritario a uno democrático, manteniendo la estabilidad política en el Estado. El Estado es un elemento central del sistema político. La estabilidad del Estado se convierte en una cuestión clave para los dirigentes del Estado, para los sujetos del poder político. La estabilidad política en una democracia requiere la preservación del tipo de organización del poder, que corresponde a los sentimientos e intereses fundamentales socioeconómicos de los grupos sociales. A los factores políticos de la estabilidad pertenece la posibilidad de una participación equitativa en la vida política para todos los estratos sociales, en conformidad con el derecho democrático y las tradiciónes, así como la presencia de las instituciones políticas. El Estado debe ser social y servir al ciudadano y a la sociedad. Se ha demostrado que el Estado debe participar en la regulación de la economía y la circulación monetaria. La estabilidad política en el nivel internacional se logra por el equilibrio multipolar y por la diversidad de los Estados soberanos y equitativos.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN GERRING ◽  
STROM C. THACKER

A raft of new research on the causes and effects of political corruption has emerged in recent years, in tandem with a separate, growing focus on the effects of political institutions on important outcomes such as economic growth, social equality and political stability. Yet we know little about the possible role of different political institutional arrangements on political corruption. This article examines the impact of territorial sovereignty (unitary or federal) and the composition of the executive (parliamentary or presidential) on levels of perceived political corruption cross-nationally. We find that unitary and parliamentary forms of government help reduce levels of corruption. To explain this result, we explore a series of seven potential causal mechanisms that emerge out of the competing centralist and decentralist theoretical paradigms: (1) openness, transparency and information costs, (2) intergovernmental competition, (3) localism, (4) party competition, (5) decision rules, (6) collective action problems, and (7) public administration. Our empirical findings and our analysis of causal mechanisms suggest that centralized constitutions help foster lower levels of political corruption.


Author(s):  
Mine Gerni ◽  
Ömer Selçuk Emsen ◽  
Dilek Özdemir ◽  
Özge Buzdağlı

Corruption defined as the exploitation of the public institute for personal benefit has displayed itself in many societies in different ways throughout the history. Lack of information regarding presence and pervasiveness of corruption in central planning economies has been removed as a result of a transition to free market economies and the phenomenon of corruption has begun to be examined through diverse angles. Thus, in this study, the determinants of corruption were investigated and corruption-growth relationship was examined between 2002 and 2010. As for the parameters believed to determine corruption, openness of economy, size of the public, economic freedom, political stability, GDP per capita, urbanization growth rate, inflation, EBRD and HDI index regarding education and health were taken into consideration. Investigation of the relationship between the CPI (Corruption index) and the aforementioned variables and corruption-growth relationship were analyzed by means of panel data analysis.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (4) ◽  
pp. 1218-1244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Besley ◽  
Torsten Persson

Economists generally assume that the state has sufficient institutional capacity to support markets and levy taxes. This paper develops a framework where “policy choices” in market regulation and taxation are constrained by past investments in legal and fiscal capacity. It studies the economic and political determinants of such investments, demonstrating that legal and fiscal capacity are typically complements. The results show that, among other things, common interest public goods, such as fighting external wars, as well as political stability and inclusive political institutions, are conducive to building state capacity. Some correlations in cross-country data are consistent with the theory. (JEL D72, E62, H11, H20, P14)


2012 ◽  
pp. 22-46
Author(s):  
Huong Nguyen Thi Lan ◽  
Toan Pham Ngoc

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the impact of public expenditure cuts on employment and income to support policies for the development of the labor mar- ket. Impact evaluation is of interest for policy makers as well as researchers. This paper presents a method – that is based on a Computable General Equilibrium model – to analyse the impact of the public expenditure cuts policy on employment and income in industries and occupations in Vietnam using macro data, the Input output table, 2006, 2008 and the 2010 Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey.


Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.


2017 ◽  
pp. 226-291
Author(s):  
O.V. Liubimova

On the basis of The Deeds of Divine Augustus or Res Gestae Divi Augusti (RGDA), the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a fullfledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.На материале Деяний Божественного Августа (Res Gestae Divi Augusti) рассматривается вопрос о том, какое место занимало в политике Августа наследие популяров одного из двух основных политических течений Поздней республики. В качестве характерных черт этого движения исследователи выделяют демагогический политический стиль приверженность идеологии народного суверенитета защиту экономических интересов неимущих слоёв. В RGDA не упоминаются одиозные политические методы популяров, которые влекли за собой конфликты и беспорядки, но важное место занимает предоставленная Августу трибунская власть, которая в Республике служила основой популярского Modus Operandi. Идеология, выраженная в RGDA, отводит римскому народу важное место в управлении государством и представляет его равноправным партнёром сената однако в ней отсутствует характерное для популяров противопоставление народа сенату (или олигархии, контролирующей сенат). Наиболее очевидно наследие популяров в тех главах RGDA, где описываются расходы Августа в пользу римского народа: социальные мероприятия, организация зрелищ и строительство. Август заимствовал у позднереспубликанских популяров представление о том, что римский плебс может служить источником политической силы, и удовлетворение его интересов необходимо для поддержания политической стабильности, однако исключил из своего арсенала те политические лозунги и методы популяров, которые имели конфликтный потенциал.


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