scholarly journals Hate Speech Prosecution of Politicians and its Effect on Support for the Legal System and Democracy

Author(s):  
Roderik Rekker ◽  
Joost van Spanje

Abstract This study examined if and for whom prosecution of politicians for hate speech undermines support for the legal system and democracy. Three research designs were combined to investigate the case of Dutch politician Geert Wilders, who was convicted for hate speech against minorities in 2016. First, an experiment showed that observing a guilty verdict decreased support among ‘assimilationists’ who oppose the multicultural society. This deterioration of support was found among the entire group of assimilationists, regardless of whether they voted for Wilders. Secondly, a quasi-experiment demonstrated that assimilationists who were interviewed after Wilders' conviction indicated less support than those who were interviewed before the verdict and compared to a pre-test. Thirdly, a nine-year panel study suggested that these effects accumulate into long-term discontent. This case therefore demonstrates that hate speech prosecution can damage the democratic system it is intended to defend.

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110252
Author(s):  
Sebastián Valenzuela ◽  
Daniel Halpern ◽  
Felipe Araneda

Despite widespread concern, research on the consequences of misinformation on people's attitudes is surprisingly scant. To fill in this gap, the current study examines the long-term relationship between misinformation and trust in the news media. Based on the reinforcing spirals model, we analyzed data from a three-wave panel survey collected in Chile between 2017 and 2019. We found a weak, over-time relationship between misinformation and media skepticism. Specifically, initial beliefs on factually dubious information were negatively correlated with subsequent levels of trust in the news media. Lower trust in the media, in turn, was related over time to higher levels of misinformation. However, we found no evidence of a reverse, parallel process where media trust shielded users against misinformation, further reinforcing trust in the news media. The lack of evidence of a downward spiral suggests that the corrosive effects of misinformation on attitudes toward the news media are less serious than originally suggested. We close with a discussion of directions for future research.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 2738-2746 ◽  
Author(s):  
T Saphner ◽  
D C Tormey ◽  
R Gray

PURPOSE To determine if the long-term increase of recurrence for breast cancer is stable or slowly decreasing, or if it ever reaches zero; and to determine the effect of prognostic factors on the hazard of recurrence. METHODS All patients entered onto the seven completed and unblinded Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group (ECOG) coordinated studies of postoperative adjuvant therapy for breast cancer were analyzed in terms of annual hazard of recurrence of breast cancer. RESULTS For the entire group, the peak hazard of recurrence occurred in the interval of 1 to 2 years. The hazard decreased consistently in the interval of 2 to 5 years. Beyond 5 years, the hazard of recurrence decreased very, very slowly through year 12. The average hazard of recurrence between years 5 and 12 for the entire population was 4.3% per year. The pattern of a peak hazard of recurrence during the first 5 years with a slowly decreasing hazard of recurrence beyond 5 years was also observed to varying degrees in most subsets. Higher risk subsets such as patients with more than three nodes positive had a higher hazard of recurrence at all time intervals, while lower risk subsets such as patients with negative nodes had a lower hazard of recurrence in all time periods. CONCLUSION Patients 5 years postsurgery for breast cancer appear to have a very slowly decreasing hazard of recurrence. The mean hazard of recurrence between years 5 to 12 postsurgery is 4.3% per year. This group of patients may be well suited for trials evaluating cytostatic drugs or differentiating agents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Björn Technau

Abstract Ethnic slur terms (“nigger”, “kike”, “kraut”) and other group-based slurs (“faggot”, “spaz”) must be differentiated from general pejoratives (“asshole”, “idiot”) and pure expressives (“fuck”). As these terms pejoratively refer to certain groups of people, they are a typical feature of hate speech contexts where they serve xenophobic speakers in expressing their hatred for an entire group of people. However, slur terms are actually far more frequently used in other contexts and are more often exchanged among friends than between enemies. Hate speech can be identified as the most central, albeit not the most frequent, mode of use. I broadly distinguish between hate speech (central use), other pejorative uses (mobbing, insulting), parasitic uses (banter, appropriation, comedy, youth language), neutral mentioning (academics, PC), and unaware uses. In this paper, authentic examples of use and frequency estimates from empirical research will help provide accurate definitions and insight into these different modes that purely theoretical approaches cannot achieve.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (10) ◽  
pp. 1620-1641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Hye-Won Kim ◽  
Changjun Lee ◽  
Young Kyung Do

Objectives: We examine how statutory workweeks affect workers’ provision of long-term care for their non-coresident elderly parents. Method: The Korean government reduced its statutory workweek from 44 to 40 hr, gradually from larger to smaller establishments, between 2004 and 2011. Using multiple regressions, we assess how the reduction affected visits, financial transfers, and in-kind transfers to parents. Annual longitudinal data come from the 2005 to 2013 waves of the Korea Labor and Income Panel Study. Results: The reduction caused an increase in the frequency of visits and in-kind transfers among male workers, with no significant impact on their financial transfers. Among female workers, we found no impact on any outcomes. Discussion: We interpret the findings within the context of developed Asian countries with long work hours and Confucian traditions, and suggest regulating workweeks as a policy tool to encourage familial long-term care in the rapidly aging societies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Lee J. Curley ◽  
Rory MacLean ◽  
Jennifer Murray ◽  
Phyllis Laybourn ◽  
David Brown

The Scottish legal system is a unique jurisdiction, as jurors are able to give not proven verdicts in addition to the well-known Anglo-American verdicts (guilty and not guilty). The not proven verdict has never been legally defined, meaning that currently legal practitioners can only estimate why a not proven verdict has been given. The main aim of this study was to investigate if jurors violate the regularity principle, which is commonly incorporated in many rational choice models, by testing if the introduction of the not proven verdict has an impact on the outcomes given by jurors. In addition, this study aimed to test if the introduction of the not proven verdict has an impact upon how the not guilty verdict is perceived by jurors. In this study, 128 participants listened to two vignettes centred on homicide trials. Jurors could give one of two verdicts in one of the vignettes and one of three verdicts in the other vignette. The vignettes were counterbalanced in regard to how many verdicts could be given at the end of them. It was found that jurors in a three-verdict system were less likely to give a not guilty verdict in comparison to jurors in a two-verdict system, showing that jurors violate the regularity principle and that the not proven verdict may change how the not guilty verdict is perceived. The findings of this research have implications in relation to juror communication, article 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights and juror rationality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-380
Author(s):  
Dina Zbeidy

Based on long-term fieldwork in Jordan, this paper discusses two marriage registration practices that have become topics of public debate and locus for intervention projects of development organizations: the early registration of marriages among Palestinian camp residents, and the non-registration of marriages among Syrian refugees. This paper shows how the narratives around marriage registration play a role in the production of identity and senses of belonging and provides insight into the overlaps and gaps between the discourses of development organizations and the concerns of those involved in these practices. In the Palestinian case, the early registration of marriage provides the couple with a limited but important space to get acquainted before the wedding. Women’s organizations and NGOs, however, often blame this practice for the increase in divorce rates before consummation. In the Syrian case, organizations focus on the negative legal and social consequences of not registering a marriage with the state, while conversations with Syrians reveal the obstacles they face while navigating the Jordanian legal system and their need to legitimize their non-registration of marriages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.     


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doli Witro

Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The popularity of the democratic system is arguably at its peak. This is proven by the many uses of the democratic system in modern countries in the world. Indonesia as a country that runs a democratic system does not give authority to the authorities to monopolize votes in an election. Because security and freedom for every citizen, free to choose as a representation of the sovereignty of the people. But on the side that democracy often happens is seen as freedom so that there are some elements mixing elements in democracy that actually damage democracy itself. Call it when campaigning for a candidate to hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates so that damage the good name in the eyes of the community. As reported in Detik.com in 2016, the National Police stated that there were 2,018 cases of hate speech that occurred. Then it increased by 44.99% in 2017 to 3,325 cases. Furthermore, in 2018 reported in January 2019 there were 3,884 cases of hate speech that occurred. This proves that in campaigning the candidates cannot be said to campaign peacefully, fairly and competitively. Whereas Allah s.w.t. It has been said in Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. Based on the description above the writer is interested in discussing and studying more about the campaign in the Elections in Indonesia and campaigning peacefully perspective of Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. This is important to discuss given the rampant hate speech cases that conducted by candidates in campaigning. This study aims to contribute knowledge to the candidates so that in campaigning, they do not utter hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Thy Jensen ◽  
Lotte Bøgh Andersen ◽  
Ann-Louise Holten

Public service motivation (PSM) has many bright sides, but recent studies also find dark sides, connected to, for instance, higher stress and burnout. However, results on the PSM–absenteeism association are inconclusive. One reason could be that PSM increases presenteeism (going to work even when ill), which in turn increases absenteeism and counteracts—or even exceeds—PSM-based reductions of absenteeism. Based on a three-wave panel study of Danish public and private sector employees, we find a strong positive association between PSM and presenteeism and indications that the PSM–absenteeism link is mediated by presenteeism. The findings suggest that going to work even on days when employees feel ill is a potential dark side of PSM and that it may have long-term consequences for the extent to which employees are absent from their jobs due to sickness. This cautions managers not to expect that high PSM automatically guarantees high performance and low absence.


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