An Austrian Solution for Canada? Problems and Possibilities of National Cultural Autonomy

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Nieguth
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Cultural Autonomy ◽  
Otto Bauer ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Peuples Autochtones

Abstract. Over the last few decades, non-territorial forms of national self-government have attracted increasing interest in political science, especially in the guise of national cultural autonomy. National cultural autonomy is a model of self-government that was pioneered by Austrian theorists and politicians Karl Renner and Otto Bauer in the waning days of the Habsburg Empire, yet was never implemented in Austria–Hungary. This paper will examine some of the problems and possibilities that may attend a transfer of national cultural autonomy as a model of self-government into Canadian political discourse, especially as regards Quebec nationalism, Francophone communities outside Quebec, Anglophone Quebecers, self-government for Aboriginal peoples, and political values in English-speaking Canada.Résumé. Au cours des dernières décennies, les formes non territoriales d'autonomie gouvernementale nationale ont fait l'objet d'un intérêt croissant en science politique, en particulier le concept de l'autonomie culturelle nationale. L'autonomie culturelle nationale est un modèle autonomiste développé par les théoriciens et politiciens autrichiens Karl Renner et Otto Bauer lors du déclin de l'Empire habsbourgeois, mais qui ne fut jamais mis en place dans l'Empire austro-hongrois. Cet article examinera quelques-uns des problèmes et quelques-unes des possibilités qui pourraient émerger d'un transfert de ce modèle dans le discours politique canadien sur l'autonomie gouvernementale, en particulier en ce qui a trait au nationalisme québécois, aux communautés francophones situées à l'extérieur du Québec, aux Québécois anglophones, à l'autonomie gouvernementale des peuples autochtones et aux valeurs politiques du Canada anglais.

Using Graph Theory Software for Political Discourse Analysis

2014 ◽  
pp. 265-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bogdan Pătruţ ◽  
Monica Pătruţ ◽  
Camelia Cmeciu
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Graph Theory ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Internal Logic ◽  
The Core ◽  
Word Families ◽  
Political Discourse Analysis

In this chapter, the authors show how, using graph theory, one can make a content analysis of political discourse. The premises of this analysis are: we have a corpus of speech of each party or candidate, as empirical data; speeches convey economic, political, and socio-cultural values, these taking the form of words or word families; there are interdependences between the values of a political discourse; they are given by the co-occurrence of two values, as words in the text, within a well-defined fragment or they are determined by the internal logic of political discourse; established links between values in a political speech have associated positive numbers indicating the “power” of those links; these “powers” are defined according to both the number of co-occurrences of values and the internal logic of the discourse where they occur. In this context, the authors highlight the following: a) the dominant values in a political speech; b) groups of values that have ties between them and have no connection with the rest; c) the order in which political values should be set in order to obtain an equivalent but more concise speech compared to the already given one; d) the links between the values that form the “core” political speech; and e) one can get from one value to another by using as few words as possible from the discourse to be analyzed.

Monitoring discriminatory political discourse on immigration: A pilot study in Catalonia

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gema Rubio-Carbonero ◽  
Ricard Zapata-Barrero
Keyword(s):  
Social Psychology ◽  
Pilot Study ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Comparative Research ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
And Linguistics

The aim of this article is to present the findings of an analytical framework we have designed to monitor discriminatory political discourse on immigration. Through the understanding of how some of the most relevant studies in three disciplines (political science, social psychology and linguistics) have framed racism, we try to infer how such racism may manifest in discourse through particular discriminatory tendencies. The combination of these tendencies has contributed to the designing of the proposed analytical framework that aims, by means of 12 standards, to systematically certify political discourse as discriminatory, quantify how much discriminatory discourse is and assess how such discrimination is legitimised or justified. By implementing such a framework within the context of Catalonia, this pilot study offers a global picture of how Catalan political discourse on immigration is constructed and how each of the standards appears (or does not appear) in discourse. Once the viability of this framework is proven, we conclude it could be the basis of comparative research in other contexts.

scholarly journals Promising Approaches in International Conflict Studies: Communication Perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 236-245
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Nikitin ◽  
Sergey Arteev
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Educational Resources ◽  
Communication Studies ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Current State

The paper presents the analysis of modern political communications in terms of availability of adequate information and scientific and educational resources within the political discourse. The theoretical and methodological framework of the article is based on political communication studies being the most essential focus area of modern political science. The authors present the analysis of history and the current state of political communication issues being an element and a tool to study political processes, identify the specific characteristics of public political discourse in the context of existing contradictions in social development. To resolve some of the difficulties, the authors present a new unique interface (link) between political science and political discourse – electronic resources of systematized political science publications and political documents in the form of online libraries with books, articles, reports, documents available – ‘Library of a Political Scientist’ and ‘Library of a Conflictologist’, which are a unique form of inventory of available scientific and educational resources. ‘The Library of a Political Scientist’ is more universal in nature and is intended for rather broad audience. ‘The Library of a Conflictologist’, although being a more specialized information and analytical resource, at the same time contains multimedia (photos, videos, maps, infographics) and interactive (test game on six conflicts) components, which is in line with the modern educational and research paradigm. These resources are a new way of filing political science publications; they are intended to maintain by means of information and references modern scientific discourse in Russia on topical issues of Russian national and international policy, as well as international political conflictology in the geopolitical arena of Russian interests.

scholarly journals "Echoes of a Proud Nation": Reading Kahnawake's Powwow as a Post-Oka Text

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valda Blundell
Keyword(s):  
North American ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
History Of ◽  
Peuples Autochtones ◽  
Aesthetic Forms

Abstract: After presenting one history of North American powwows as sites where aesthetic forms are deployed to transform meanings about aboriginal peoples, an analysis is offered of the powwow produced by the Kahnawake Mohawk a year after their involvement in the Oka crisis. Résumé: Cet article présente d'abord une histoire des powwows nord-américains comme lieux de déploiement de formes esthétiques qui modifient le sens et la signification des peuples autochtones. L'article analyse ensuite le powwow des Mohawks de Kahnawake qui a eu lieu un an après la crise d'Oka.

scholarly journals Dizzying Dialogue: Canadian Courts and the Continuing Justification of the Dispossession Of Aboriginal People

2011 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 55 ◽  
Author(s):  
D’Arcy Vermette
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Aboriginal People ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Supreme Court Of Canada ◽  
Aboriginal Rights ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Peuples Autochtones

Since Aboriginal rights have found protection within Canada’s Constitution, a new relationship has emerged between Canada’s Aboriginal Peoples and the Crown. This relationship is characterized by the need for “reconciliation.” In its growing jurisprudence, the Supreme Court of Canada applies reconciliation doctrine to several important Aboriginal claims. Each application, however, brings with it a restriction on Aboriginal rights. This paper argues that the Court’s conception of reconciliation is designed to facilitate the integration of Aboriginal peoples into larger society rather than to protect their collective interests. To demonstrate this argument, this paper examines the Supreme Court’s discussion of the doctrine of reconciliation from Sparrow (1990) to Little Salmon (2010).Depuis que les droits des autochtones sont protégés par la constitution canadienne, une nouvelle relation, ayant comme caractéristique le besoin de « réconciliation », a vu le jour entre les peuples autochtones du Canada et la Couronne. La Cour suprême du Canada a appliqué la doctrine de la réconciliation dans la série d’arrêts où elle s’est penchée sur plusieurs importantes revendications autochtones. Dans chaque cas, l’application de la doctrine de la réconciliation a cependant abouti à une restriction des droits des autochtones. Dans cet article, l’auteur soutient que, dans l’esprit de la Cour, la réconciliation vise à faciliter l’intégration des peuples autochtones dans la société en général plutôt qu’à protéger leurs intérêts collectifs. Pour étayer cette opinion, il examine l’analyse qu’a faite la Cour suprême de la doctrine de réconciliation de l’arrêt Sparrow (1990) à l’arrêt Little Salmon (2010).

scholarly journals The main problems of political science of religion

2002 ◽  
pp. 68-74
Author(s):  
K. Banek
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Sociology Of Religion ◽  
Scientific Discipline ◽  
Geography Of Religion ◽  
The World ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Science Of Religion ◽  
English Speaking World ◽  
The One

Every year, an increasing number of scholarly and popular works on issues relating to the relationship between the fields of religion and politics appear around the world, especially in the English-speaking world. This shows, on the one hand, the growing importance and relevance of these problems, and on the other, the great interest of researchers in such issues. These works focus primarily on the connections and processes that take place in the world of Islam, in particular at the junction of the Islamic Christianity. Based on this, we can say that in our eyes a new scientific discipline is being created, which, on the model of existing religious disciplines (philosophy of religion, psychology of religion, sociology of religion and geography of religion), can be called the political science of religion.

scholarly journals Knowledge Building in an Aboriginal Context

2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander McAuley
Keyword(s):  
Knowledge Building ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
European Contact ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Aboriginal Students ◽  
History Of ◽  
Peuples Autochtones ◽  
Le Canada ◽  
Design Experiments

Abstract The report on the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996), the Kelowna Accord announced in 2005 (five-billion dollars) followed by its demise in 2006, and the settlement in 2006 for Aboriginal survivors of residential schools (1.9 billion dollars), are but some of the recent high-profile indicators of the challenges to Canada in dealing with the 500-year history of European contact with North America’s original inhabitants. While not without its challenges, the creation of Nunavut in 1999 stands apart from this history as a landmark for Inuit self-determination in Canada and a beacon of hope for other Aboriginal peoples. Building on the idea that educational change takes place within the intersecting socio-cultural contexts of the school and the larger world around it, and drawing on data from an eight-year series of design experiments in classrooms in the Baffin (now Qikiqtani) region of Nunavut, this paper explores the potential of knowledge building and knowledge-building technologies to support powerful bilingual (Inuktitut/English) and bicultural learning experiences for Aboriginal students. Résumé : Le rapport de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones (1996), l’Accord de Kelowna annoncé en 2005 (cinq milliards de dollars), suivi de son annulation en 2006, de même que le règlement de 2006 visant à indemniser les victimes de sévices infligés dans les pensionnats indiens (1,9 milliard de dollars), ne sont que quelques-uns des événements marquants récents qui témoignent des défis que le Canada doit relever en ce qui a trait à son histoire de 500 ans de contact entre les Européens et les Premières nations d’Amérique du Nord. Bien qu’elle ait comporté sa part de défis, la création du Nunavut en 1999 se démarque dans le cours de l’histoire en tant que point de repère pour l’autodétermination des Inuits au Canada et représente une lueur d’espoir pour les autres nations autochtones. S’appuyant sur l’idée que le changement en éducation se produit à l’intersection des contextes socioculturels de l’école et du monde qui l’entoure ainsi que sur des données provenant d’une série d’expériences de conception réalisées sur une période de huit ans dans les classes de la région de Baffin (maintenant Qikiqtani) au Nunavut, le présent article explore le potentiel de coélaboration des connaissances de même que les technologies de coélaboration de connaissances qui peuvent venir appuyer les fortes expériences d’apprentissage bilingues (inuktitut/anglais) et biculturelles des élèves autochtones.

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