scholarly journals Conscription by Capture in the Wa State of Myanmar: Acquaintances, Anonymity, Patronage, and the Rejection of Mutuality

2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 508-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Steinmüller

AbstractCapturing people, sometimes by taking relatives hostage, is a common practice for purposes of conscription and law enforcement in the Wa State of Myanmar. Given the unreliability of the local census, as well as the relative weakness of civil government, and registration in a de facto state governed by an insurgent army, the personal politics of capture provides a functional equivalent to state legibility. This personal politics operates based on the reorganization of personal networks between representatives of the military state and ordinary people: first, circles of acquaintances within the military state that provide access to local knowledge, and second, relationships of patronage formed on the basis of those new acquaintanceships, as well as connections of kinship and co-residence. Conscription by capture, however, also requires anonymity; that is, the passive non-recognition of mutuality with strangers and the active refusal of mutuality with acquaintances. This article describes the historical emergence of networks of acquaintances and relationships of patronage as a combination of Maoist state-building and local institutions of war capture and adoption. It demonstrates how conscription by capture relies on relationships of acquaintances and non-recognition, as well as on patronage and the refusal of mutuality. The politics of conscription by capture are contrasted with conscription in imperial states and contemporary nation-states.

Author(s):  
Vitaliy Voronov ◽  
Timur Slivin

В статье рассмотрена актуальная проблема перевоспитания военнослужащих в дисциплинарных частях в Российской империи как организованного и структурированного процесса. Изучено использование их потенциала для поддержания дисциплины и правопорядка среди личного состава. Определено, что к военнослужащим предусмотрено применение специальных видов уголовных наказаний, кроме того, допускается изъятие в применении отдельных наказаний к данной категории лиц. Авторами раскрывается порядок реализации наказания в виде лишения свободы в частях с воинской организацией в отношении военнослужащих, совершивших преступления. Указывается на то, что перевоспитание осужденных военнослужащих было направлено на повышение уровня их военной и строевой подготовки, принуждение их к выполнению требований военной присяги и воинских уставов. В качестве негативного момента перевоспитания осужденных военнослужащих указывается отсутствие специальной подготовки у штатных офицеров и нижних чинов дисциплинарных частей. В статье рассматривается порядок реализации наказания в виде лишения свободы в арестантских частях, а также дисциплинарных частях. Раскрыто понятие арестантских рот, их руководящий и личный состав, а также порядок содержания осужденных. Показаны особенности комплектования дисциплинарных частей как постоянным составом, так и переменным (осужденными), а также прохождения ими службы. Авторами отмечается, что в перевоспитании осужденных военнослужащих превалировала принудительная функция в ущерб нравственному воздействию. Авторы приходят к выводу о том, что дисциплинарные и штрафные части со строевой организацией в целом справляются с задачей перевоспитания осужденных военнослужащих, а опыт функционирования дисциплинарных частей царской армии был использован при создании военно-карательного аппарата Советской армии.The article deals with the actual problem of re-education of military personnel in disciplinary units in the Russian Empire as an organized and structured process. The use of their potential for maintaining discipline and law enforcement among personnel was studied. It is determined that the use of special types of criminal penalties is provided for military personnel, in addition, exceptions are allowed in the application of certain penalties to this category of persons. The author reveals the order of realization of punishment in the form of imprisonment in re-lations with the military organization in relation to the military personnel who have committed crimes. It is pointed out that the re-education of convicted servicemen was aimed at increasing the level of their military and drill training, forcing them to fulfill the requirements of the military oath and military regulations. As a negative aspect of the re-education of convicted servicemen, the lack of special training of regular officers and lower ranks of disciplinary units is indicated. The article deals with the procedure for the implementation of punishment in the form of im-prisonment in prison units, as well as disciplinary units. The concept of convict companies, their leadership and personnel, as well as the order of detention of convicts is revealed. The peculiarities of completing disciplinary units with both permanent and variable composition (convicts), as well as their service are shown. The author notes that in the re-education of convicted servicemen, forced functioning prevailed to the detriment of moral influence. The author comes to the conclusion that disciplinary and penal units with drill organization in General cope with the task of re-education of convicted servicemen, and the experience of functioning of disciplinary units of the tsarist army was used in the creation of the military punitive apparatus of the Soviet army.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meng Wang ◽  
Yu-wei Chang ◽  
Hong-li Wu

Abstract Objective: To analyse the prevalence and independent risk factors of varicocele in the soldiers population. Methods: The results of ultrasound examination and clinical physical examination in military outpatient clinic were collected and analysed in our hospital between July 2019 and July 2020. The results were compared with ordinary outpatient patients.Results: Finally, 1169 military patients and 818 general outpatients were included in this study. Totally 225 military cases (19.24%) and 119 outpatient cases (14.55%) developed varicocele. The incidence of varicocele in the military group was higher than that of the outpatients (P<0.05). The number of bilateral and single right varicocele in the two groups were 29, 14 and 13, 7, respectively. Military men were younger and had smaller testicular volumes than ordinary people (P<0.05). The analysis of the military population revealed that reduced left testicular volumes (P=0.000, OR=0.896), increased right testicular volumes (P=0.033, OR=1.052) and the disappearance of fluid around testicular (P=0.007, OR=0.505) were independent risk factors for varicocele. There was no correlation between testicular volume, age and the diameter of spermatic vein (P>0.05).Conclusions: The incidence of varicocele in the military population was 19.24%, and the rate was higher than ordinary patients. Reduced left testicular volumes, increased right testicular volumes and the testicular hydrocele disappears were independent risk factors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 507
Author(s):  
Asep Suherdin ◽  
Maryanto Maryanto

The problems of this study are: 1) How is enforcement against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung? 2) How constraints and efforts to overcome the constraints of law enforcement against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung?Method sociological approach juridical law and specification in this study were included descriptive analysis. Even the sources and types of data in this study are primary data obtained from interviews with field studies Military Court II/09 Bandung, and secondary data obtained from the study of literature. Data were analyzed qualitatively. The problems studied by the theory of law enforcement, criminal liability and progressive law.Results of the discussion concluded: Enforcement of the law against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung executed in accordance with the applicable regulations, because the urine test is done not in accordance with regulations and charges denied by the defendant who has the right of refusal. The obstacles are the lack military justice, the need for strengthening of the system of criminal law enforcement in the military justice ahead of independent both institutionally and functionally, free from interference by other institutions outside the judiciary as a logical consequence system of a democratic constitutional state, so it is necessary No reconstruction of the existing regulation of military justice. Next to the military justice system, particularly related to the investigation should be conducted by military police consisting of the Army, Navy and Air Force, independently.Keywords: Law Enforcement; Crime; Drugs; Military Environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gilbert ◽  
Georgina Heydon

Nation states increasingly apply electronic surveillance techniques to combat serious and organised crime after broadening and deepening their national security agendas. Covertly obtained recordings from telephone interception and listening devices of conversations related to suspected criminal activity in Languages Other Than English (LOTE) frequently contain jargon and/or code words. Community translators and interpreters are routinely called upon to transcribe intercepted conversations into English for evidentiary purposes. This paper examines the language capabilities of community translators and interpreters undertaking this work for law enforcement agencies in the Australian state of Victoria. Using data collected during the observation of public court trials, this paper presents a detailed analysis of Vietnamese-to-English translated transcripts submitted as evidence by the Prosecution in drug-related criminal cases. The data analysis reveals that translated transcripts presented for use as evidence in drug-related trials contain frequent and significant errors. However, these discrepancies are difficult to detect in the complex environment of a court trial without the expert skills of an independent discourse analyst fluent in both languages involved. As a result, trials tend to proceed without the reliability of the translated transcript being adequately tested.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-412
Author(s):  
Orit Bashkin

Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.


Author(s):  
Florina Cristiana Matei ◽  
Carolyn Halladay

Civil–military relations—particularly the principles and practices of civilian control of the security sector—have changed significantly since the 1990s as more and more states around the world seek to consolidate democracy. The scholarly focus and the policy that it informs remain stuck in a mid-20th-century model, however. While civilian control remains central, this civilian oversight must, itself, uphold the requirements of democratic governance, ensuring that the uniformed forces are well integrated into the democracy that they are sworn to protect. Moreover, this democratic civilian control also must ensure the effectiveness of the security sector in the sense that soldiers, law enforcement officials, and intelligence agencies can fulfill the range of their missions. Thus, democratic civilian control requires ongoing attention from both the civilian and the military sides.


ORBIT ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Frances Surmon-Böhr ◽  
Laurence J. Alison ◽  
Neil D. Shortland ◽  
Emily K. Alison

This chapter discusses the concept and potential issues surrounding “urgent safety” or “imminent threat” interviews. It also summarizes a series of observations of law enforcement officers’ performance during simulated urgent interviews across a series of training exercises. The authors’ observations (both from psychologists as trainers and police facilitators) include the following: (1) safety interviewing appears to require a different skill set from evidential interviewing; (2) officers struggled to communicate a sense of intensity, gravity, and urgency required of an interview that aims to obtain information very quickly to preserve life and maintain public safety; (3) in order to improve, interviewers must practice these sorts of interactions more often (they require deliberate practice and feedback with guidance); and (4) elements of interviewing and time-sensitive questioning in the military may offer a useful template of the intensity and urgency required in police safety interviews.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Jessica Zarkin

What are the political consequences of militarizing law enforcement? Across the world, law enforcement has become increasingly militarized over the last three decades, with civilian police operating more like armed forces and soldiers replacing civilian police in law enforcement tasks. Scholarly, policy, and journalistic attention has mostly focused on the first type, but has neglected the study of three main areas toward which we seek to contribute: 1) the constabularization of the military—i.e., when the armed forces take on the responsibilities of civilian law enforcement agencies, 2) the extent to which this process has taken place outside of the United States, and 3) its political consequences. Toward this end, we unpack the concept of militarized law enforcement, develop theoretical expectations about its political consequences, take stock of militarization in Latin America, and evaluate whether expectations have played out in the region. We show that the distinction between civilian and military law enforcement typical of democratic regimes has been severely blurred in the region. Further, we argue that the constabularization of the military has had important consequences for the quality of democracy in the region by undermining citizen security, human rights, police reform, and the legal order.


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