scholarly journals GROUP PORTRAIT: THE ISPETTRICI NAZIONALI OF THE ITALIAN FASCIST PARTY, 1937–1943

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-451
Author(s):  
PERRY WILLSON

AbstractThe years of fascist rule in Italy saw an unprecedented mass political mobilization of women, a mobilization that has, to date, been little studied by historians. This article focuses on the role of the ispettrici nazionali – the highest rank that women ever reached in the fascist party hierarchy. It attempts to piece together a ‘group portrait’ of these hitherto unstudied female hierarchs, who were appointed from 1937 onwards to form a group leadership for the fasci femminili – the women's section of the party and the only way that women could join it. The article investigates who these women were, how they managed to rise to this prominent position, their ideas and motivations, and their role in organizing and mobilizing millions of female party members for political campaigns and for the war effort.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 583-609
Author(s):  
John Martin

This paper explores the reasons why artificial or mineral sources of nitrogen, which were more readily available in Britain than in other European countries, were only slowly adopted by farmers in the decades prior to and during the First World War. It considers why nitrogen in the form of sulphate of ammonia, a by-product of coal-gas (town-gas) manufacture, was increasingly exported from Britain for use by German farmers. At the same time Britain was attempting to monopolise foreign supplies of Chilean nitrate, which was not only a valuable source of fertiliser for agriculture but also an essential ingredient of munitions production. The article also investigates the reasons why sulphate of ammonia was not more widely used to raise agricultural production during the First World War, at a time when food shortages posed a major threat to public morale and commitment to the war effort.


Author(s):  
Mark Edele

This chapter turns to the present and explains the implications of the current study for the ongoing debate about the Soviet Union in the Second World War and in particular about the role of loyalty and disloyalty in the Soviet war effort. It argues that this study strengthens those who argue for a middle position: the majority of Soviet citizens were neither unquestioningly loyal to the Stalinist regime nor convinced resisters. The majority, instead, saw their interests as distinct from both the German and the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, ideology remains important if we want to understand why in the Soviet Union more resisted or collaborated than elsewhere in Europe and Asia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Semi Purhonen

This article first examines the role of the concept of generation in Pierre Bourdieu’s work. It shows that Bourdieu’s usage of the concept of generation varied throughout his œuvre and that Bourdieu seldom if ever used the concept in the same sense as Karl Mannheim and many subsequent sociologists who have understood generation as a potential source of identity and political mobilization. However, and second, the article argues that Bourdieu’s sociology does have much to offer for the sociological study of generations, but only if we stop concentrating on those rare passages in which he explicitly used the word ‘generation’. We should focus instead on his more general approach to the genesis of social groupings, classification struggles and the difficult relationships of representation. The application and extension of Bourdieu’s ideas demonstrated here can provide a welcome antidote to so-called generationalism – a simplified and exaggerated picture of generations, which dates back to early 20th-century European intellectuals and which can still be found in today’s popular discourses as well as in academic studies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1065-1082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mila Dragojević

This article examines the role of the intergenerational memory of the Second World War (WWII) in identity formation and political mobilization. An existing explanation in the ethnic-conflict literature is that strategic political leaders play a crucial role in constructing and mobilizing ethnic identities. However, based on 114 open-ended interviews with individuals born in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia, conducted in Serbia during 2008–2011, nearly a third of the respondents make spontaneous references to WWII in their statements, usually drawing parallels between the cycle of violence in the 1990s and that in the 1940s. The question this article asks, then, is why some respondents make references to WWII spontaneously while others do not. It is argued that intergenerational narratives of past cycles of violence also constitute a process of identity formation, in addition to, or apart from, other processes of identity formation. The respondents mention WWII violence in the context of the 1990s events because they “recognize” elements, such as symbols, discourse or patterns of violence, similar to those in the intergenerational narratives and interpret them as warning signs. Hence, individuals who had previously been exposed to intergenerational narratives may be subsequently more susceptible to political mobilization efforts.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.


POPULIKA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Syamsul Mukhlisin

Abstraksi Nahdlatul Wathan merupakan suatu kelompok kepentingan yang melakukan mobilisasi politik terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada saat Pemilu PILPRES RI 2014. Mobilisasi politik ini dilakukan karena Nahdlatul Wathan adalah salah satu pengusung pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014. Terpecahnya Nahdlatul Wathan menjadi dua Pengurusan Besar berdampak pada perbedaan dukungan terhadap pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014 seperti Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor mengusung pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dan Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani mengusung Pasangan Jokowi-JK dan masing-masing kubu memiliki massa yang besar di desa Dasan Borok. Adapun tujuan dilakukannya penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui “Peran Kelompok Kepentingan Dalam Memobilisasi Politik Masyarakat Desa Dasan Borok Pada PILPRES 2014”. Dalam memetakan masalah dari penelitian yang bersetting di desa Dasan Borok, Kec. Suralaga ini, maka peneliti menggunakan pendekatan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif dengan tujuan agar data yang disajikan relevan dengan pendekatan yang dipakai. Adapun tekhnik yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik purposive sampeling. Di samping itu untuk meningkatkan kevalidan data yang diperoleh, maka penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik pengumpulan data observasi berbentuk participant observation dan wawancara tidak terstruktur serta dokumentasi dengan teknik analisis domain (domain analysis). Dari hasil temuan di lapangan dapat dideskripsikan bahwa PILPRES RI 2014 dipandang sebagai arena pertarungan oleh dua kubu Nahdlatul Wathan selaku kelompok kepentingan karena perbedaan usungan kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Sebagai Kelompok Kepentingan, Nahdlatul Wathan berperan sebagai tim sukses dengan menggunakan peran dakwah sebagai media untuk melakukan mobilisasi politiknya terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada PILPRES 2014. Hal ini terlihat ketika Nahdlatul Wathan mengadakan pengajian akbar maupun lawatan-lawatan agama dengan menghadirkan pasangan calon presiden yang diusungnya dengan dihadiri oleh ribuan jamaah NW maupun sosialisasi pasangan kandidat ketengah masyarakat yang dilakukan oleh pengurus NW ditingkat cabang dan ranting yang ada di desa Dasan Borok. Kata Kunci: Kelompok Kepentingan, Pilpres, dan Nahdlatul Wathan  Abstract Nahdlatul Wathan is a group interest conducting political mobilization on the society in Dasan Borok in president election in 2014. It is done because Nahdlatul Wathan is a group that brings the candidate of president and vice president of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan becomes two managing committee which affects the support of the president and the vice candidate of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor carried Prabowo-Hatta and Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani carried Jokowi-JK, and each group has a great amount of mass in Dasan Borok. This research purposed at knowing “the role of political mobilizationof group interest in the president election in 2014 in Dasan Borok”. This research is a qualitative research approach utilizing descriptive in order the data is relevant. The technique used is purposive sampling.  The data collection used is observation in from of participant observation, unstructured interview as well as documentation using domain analysis technique. Based on the found data, it can be described that the president’s election of RI 2014 seemed to be a strange struggling arena done by two sides group of Nahdlatul Wathan as the group interest. As the group interest, Nahdlatul Wathan personated as the success team, it was done through religious endeavor or dakwah in the society in Dasan Borok in president’s election of RI 2014. It can be seen when Nahdlatul Wathan held a great meeting (great religious endeavor) as well as a visit of the candidate of the        presidents. It was also done by the chapter and the subsection of NW in Dasan Borok. Keyword: Group Interest, President Election (Pilpres), Nahdlatul Wathan


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-102
Author(s):  
Jonathan Harris

AbstractThis essay argues that the definition of the USSR's political system as a “party-state,” ignores the crucial difference between the majority of the members of the CPSU who hold positions in the Soviet state and the minority who are full time party officials with no such position and who regard themselves as the natural leaders of the party as a whole. To highlight this distinction, this essay defines the party officials as the “inner party” and the party members who man the state as the “outer party” and focuses on the ongoing dispute among party officials over the most effective way to provide leadership of the Soviet state. This conflict is expressed indirectly in the published discussion of the relative importance of officials' “internal work” (personnel management, verification of fulfillment and ideological education) and their “economic work” the close supervision of state agencies' administration of the five year plans. The essay briefly summarizes Stalin's own formulations on the subject, the conflict between Malenkov and Zhdanov over this issue from 1939 to 1948, and the ongoing debate among officials after the reform of the departments of the Secretariat in 1948. The bulk of the essay analyzes the widely divergent views of officials' priorities presented at the Nineteenth Congress of the CPSU in October 1952. It concludes that Western scholars have generally underestimated the role of the Congress in the creation of the political oligarchy that ruled the USSR after 1953.


ICR Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-472
Author(s):  
Maszlee Malik

In 2015, a group of sidelined and outcast progressive leaders and other activists from Parti Islam SeMalaysia (the Islamic Party of Malaysia, also known as PAS) decided to leave that organisation and form Parti Amanah Negara (AMANAH). The establishment of this new party was linked to efforts at saving the moderate form of Islamic political thought once embraced by PAS; the founders of AMANAH claimed that the new PAS leadership, elected during the 2015 Muktamar (Annual General Assembly), were too conservative and threatened the continuation of this moderate heritage. According to its founders, AMANAH has therefore been established to bring Islamic political activism into a new paradigm, with the hope of shaping a future Islamic discourse in Malaysia that is more inclusive, moderate, democratic and progressive. This article is an attempt to understand the party’s ideology, supposedly a new discourse in political Islam, and evaluate the level of adherence it enjoys amongst AMANAH members. This is done through a qualitative study conducted with 100 party members from different levels.


Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

This chapter takes a step back from Thailand and asks what the political experience of the motorcycle taxi drivers can offer to philosophy of praxis today. In particular, it focuses on three issues that the drivers’ life trajectories, their everyday life in the city, and their adoption of mobility, a characteristic and strength of post-Fordism capitalism, as a tool of political mobilization and a field of struggle raise. First, they invite us to a methodological reflection on the role of contradiction in political praxis; second, they urge us to reconsider where accumulation and the production of value is located in post-Fordist capitalism; and third, they call on us to use this analysis to locate points of least resistance and weak spots on which political pressure can be most effectively applied.


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