scholarly journals The Grammar of Denial: State, Society, and Turkish–Armenian Relations

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyhan Bayraktar
Keyword(s):  
Defense Mechanisms ◽  
The State ◽  
Armenian Genocide ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sole Agent ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Dominant Actor

The existing literature on the denial of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 tends to concentrate on either the Turkish state's political practices or civil society's increasing openness to alternative readings of the event. I argue that both approaches reduce denialism to the political practices and defense mechanisms of Turkey by prioritizing the state as the sole agent of genocide denial. Although the state is indeed a dominant actor of denialism, to juxtapose state and society is to overlook the power that rests in the discourse itself and its pervasiveness across different—at times even competing—social and political settings.

Writing Politics: Ottoman Governmentality and the Language of Reports

2018 ◽  
pp. 116-145
Author(s):  
M. Safa Saraçoglu
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
The State ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Administration ◽  
Essential Component ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Provincial Capital ◽  
False Accusations

This chapter focuses on the official correspondence between Vidin’s administrative council and the provincial capital, Ruse. These reports pertaining to events in Vidin County were a part of the political procedures of the local judicio-administrative sphere. As such, politics of local administration influenced the official correspondence and our understanding of the events in Vidin County. The writing of reports and petitions and other provincial administrative/judicial practices (such as interrogations) constituted a significant part of Ottoman governmentality. Those who could shape how the official correspondence was constructed gained advantage in local political economy. Such correspondence was an essential component of how provincial Ottoman government functioned; therefore, reports, petitions, false accusations, and interrogations became important tools for agents and groups who were engaged in hegemonic negotiations. Both elite and non-elite agents were able to utilize Ottoman governance to pursue their own strategies against other local agents or imperial government. People who refused to use these bureaucratic tools in making claims and negotiating were presented in this correspondence as defiant stubborn and violent. This perspective is critical of the state–society divide, as the case studies reveal a more complex singular government of state and society.

scholarly journals Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki

2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Civic Virtues ◽  
The Republic

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

PROBLEMS OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE "PHILOSOPHICAL MANIFESTO OF THE HISTORICAL SCHOOL OF LAW" BY K. MARX

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Yurevich Panchenko ◽  
◽  
Ivan Yurevich Makarchuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Significant Influence ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical School ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Revolutionary Situation ◽  
The 19Th Century

During the Soviet period of studying the Marxist heritage, it was noted that the historical school of law is extremely reactionary, since the school did not have any significant influence on the development of political and legal theory of Germany in the first third of the 19th century; the ideas of its representatives did not contribute in any way to the accelerated maturation of the revolutionary situation on the eve of the turbulent 1848, when the issues of a radical reorganization of the state and society were on the agenda. Nevertheless, the views of representatives of the historical school of law occupy a worthy place among the political and legal teachings of the first half of the 19th century.

Sovereignty, Subjectivity, Denial

Postgenocide ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 137-158
Author(s):  
Tatevik Mnatsakanyan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Armenian Genocide ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Concern ◽  
Close Relationship

This chapter uses the case of the Armenian genocide as a via media for exploring a wider theoretical and political concern, namely, what can genocide and genocide denial reveal about ‘sovereignty’, ‘subjectivity’, and ‘violence’, and thereby, about postgenocide and possibilities for resistance. It suggests that denials should be examined in close relationship with the unfolding of the genocide. This claim is pursued via a two-pronged framework, conjunctural and relational, inviting attention to heterogeneous and contradictory forces in a historical conjuncture, and to the relational production of political processes. The analysis shows that denials were not only integral to, but generative of, the Armenian genocide. The implications of the argument for postgenocide—the state of the political in Turkey today—are that without treating denials as generative it is futile to attempt to understand postgenocide denials, and begin to imagine alternatives to current politics.

scholarly journals General theoretical bases of the political decision-making process

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Andrii Lysyi
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
International System ◽  
Implementation Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
International Environment ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Political Decision Making

In the framework of reformation changes in the state and society, the issues of the political decision-making theory developing on the basis of neoclassical realism are of particular relevance and determine the directions for research of specialists of different industries. Domestic and foreign researchers in the field of political science, who study the process of political decision-making, analyze it at three principal levels: global, state and sub-state. The global level reflects the international character of states’ activities; includes the global dependence of political decision-making, in which international organizations, institutions and norms reduce the anarchy of political decision-making in the country; is formed under the influence of the building and distribution of states and international system images. The state-level reflects the degree of unity that is achieved with the joint participation of both the state and the entire national community of people in political decision-making and in responding to the challenge posed by the international environment. Not only the state level, which considers the attributes of the state as a system of different institutions with their peculiarities of political decision-making, should be distinguished, but also the sub-state level, in which the interaction of social, including individual, and state actors in the process of political decision-making takes place. The issues of population mobilization in the course of implementing a political decision in the Ukrainian context are determined as the presence of various domestic «obstacles» to the implementation of those initiatives that come from the state or public structures. The authors distinguish the most important of them: the bureaucratic nature and corruption of the implementation process of public initiatives in political, social or economic spheres; low political diversity, lack of political party representation in parliament and low functional «maturity» of the legislative branch; an underdeveloped political culture of participation creates burdens when making a political decision since the political system lacks information at its «entrance»; socio-economic problems of the majority of the population that prevent it from responding to political initiatives

scholarly journals Political Culture in Post-Communist Countries: Albanian Case

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Orinda Malltezı
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Central Axis ◽  
The Political ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
Similar Elements

The goal of this article is to establish the degree of interrelation between state and society as well as the implications that come from this interrelation by focusing on the Albanian case. If the state is perceived in relation with the society, then what comes as a result of this relationship will be seen as Plexus. On the other hand, Nexus is the way the Albanian society perceives the relation between state and society mostly represented by the functioning of state, where the state is the central axis and the society has no influence on it. This derives mostly from the political culture which has been shaped during communism. Countries that experienced totalitarian regimes tend to have similar behavior and perception towards politics which is the product of political culture. In this regard, the political culture in post-totalitarian regimes shares similar elements such as: lacks of civic participation, lack of public on governments or politics, etc.

Allegory vs Metaphor: Conceptualizing French Kingdom in the 14th — 15th Centuries

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (106)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Pavel Bychkov
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cognitive Tools ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Female Figure ◽  
Political Body ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Philosophical Doctrine

The article deals with the strategies used by French medieval authors of the 14th — 15th centuries to comprehend the state and society with the help of cognitive tools like metaphor and allegory. Writers and poets of that period, such as Nicolas Oresme, Eustache Deschamps, Jean Gerson, Christina de Pisan and others, use the same expressive means in their works, but the means themselves can be expressions of different, even opposite ideas. The article considers the metaphor of the political body and the allegorical figure of France, which French thinkers most frequently resorted to. The metaphor of the body expresses the idea of the integrity of the state, the harmonious combination and functionality of all parts of society, thus helping to form a political and philosophical doctrine of the state structure. Allegory, on the other hand, as a certain personification of this body, outlines the state as a female figure, becoming the archetypal “damsel in distress” in order to form an identity and loyal feelings in the reader. Thus, this or that trope dictated the model for describing the state, and vice versa-the choice of this or that trope signified the desire to convey certain ideas to potential recipients.

Principles of Governance, Freedom, and Responsibility in Islam

1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Hasan Turabi
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Consultation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Islamic Society

I. IntroductionAlthough I have been directly involved in a political process that seeks toestablish an Islamic state, I am not going to describe the forms that an Islamicgovernment might take in any particular country. Rather, I will try to describethe universal characteristics of an Islamic state. These derive from theteachings of the Qur'an as embodied in the political practice of the ProphetMuhammad (pbuh), and constitute an eternal model that Muslims are boundto adopt as a perfect standard for all time. The diversity of historical circumstances,however, in which they try to apply that ideal introduces anecessary element of relativity and imperfection in the practice of Islam.An Islamic state cannot be isolated from society, because Islam is a comprehensive,integrated way of life. The division between private and public,the state and society, which is familiar in Western culture, has not been knownin Islam. The state is only the political expression of an Islamic society. Youcannot have an Islamic state except insofar as you have an Islamic society.Any attempt at establishing a political order for the establishment of a genuineIslamic society would be the superimposition of laws over a reluctant society.This is not in the nature of religion; religion is based on sincere conviction andvoluntaiy compliance. Therefore an Islamic state evolves from an Islamicsociety. In certain areas, progress toward an Islamic society may be frustratedby political suppression. Whenever religious energy is thus suppresed, itbuilds up and ultimately erupts either in isolated acts of struggle or resistance,which are called terrorist by those in power, or in a revolution. In circumstanceswhere Islam is allowed free expression, social change takes placepeacefully and gradually, and the Islamic movement develops programs ofIslamization before it takes over the destiny of the state because Islamicthought - like all thought - only flourishes in a social environment of freedomand public consultation (shura) ...

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document