scholarly journals State Policies Towards Precarious Work: Employment and Unemployment in Contemporary Portugal

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 263-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Varela

AbstractIn the context of the Global Collaboratory on the History of Labour Relations, in this article, we relate the analysis of precarious work in Portugal to the state, in particular, as a direct participant functioning as both employer and mediator. In the second part, we present a short overview of the evolution of casualization in the context of employment and unemployment in contemporary Portugal (1974–2014). In the third section, we discuss state policies on labour relations, particularly in the context of the welfare state. Finally, we compare this present analysis with Swedish research done from the perspective of the state as a direct participant and mediator over the past four decades.

Author(s):  
Catherine E. Rymph

The introduction describes aspects of the state of foster care today, noting that child welfare professionals in the early twentieth century had been optimistic that they could create a much better system than what has emerged. The introduction also surveys relevant work by historians that has addressed the history of inequality in the welfare state and the history of adoption, remarking that foster care is significant to both subjects but has not been systematically studied by historians.


2002 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-467
Author(s):  
GEORGE WATSON

The surprising fact about the 20th century was the return of the liberal free market, circling back to where it began. It was helped because liberalism, unlike socialism, was never a theory of history and could not be falsified by events. But, socialist historians still control the past, and it is still widely believed that the welfare state was created by socialism and that genocide is right-wing. In fact, socialist leaders, fearful of preserving capitalism, opposed the welfare state, which in Britain was the creation of Asquith. Between the wars, Labour had no national health plans, and it was the last of the British parties to accept the Beveridge report. Repetition and suppression have entrenched the myth, which is widely accepted, that welfare equals socialism. The first history of socialism, by a French radical, Alfred Sudre, was opposed to socialism as a conservative idea; Marx and Engels, Ruskin and Morris were openly conservative and the Bolsheviks proudly elitist.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96
Author(s):  
Kevin Farnsworth

This article is an attempt to take stock and critically reflect on the UK’s decade of austerity and social policy hostility over the past decade. It distinguishes between economic and political austerity and digs deeper into the data on expenditure in order to examine the impact of austerity on British public expenditure and politics. It argues that the decade of austerity was a hostile one for British social policy which not only undermined the financial base of key parts of the welfare state, it reshaped it and redefined its priorities, setting in train a series of subsequent events that would further change, not just British social policies, but British economics, polity and politics. And, as subsequent crises – notably Brexit and the Covid-19 pandemic – testify, crisis events tend to be linked, and each one shapes and influences the ability of the state to respond to the next.


Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Rosalind Edwards ◽  
Val Gillies

We draw upon a ‘small history’ of one family to throw light on lived experience of welfare in the past, and consider how it may provide some glimpses into what Britain’s current economy of welfare trajectory could mean, where the state welfare safety net has holes and an ad hoc charitable safety net is being constructed beneath them. Using archived case notes from the Charity Organisation Society across the interwar period to the comprehensive welfare state, we discuss one family’s negotiation of poverty and the fragmented economy of welfare involving nascent state provision and a safety net of myriad charitable bodies, and the need to be judged as respectable and worthy. While lived experience of inequalities of assessment criteria, provision and distribution provide some indication for the potential trajectory of contemporary welfare in Britain, towards fragmented localised settlements, the small history also reveals a muted story of alternatives and reliability.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 286
Author(s):  
Carina PESCAROLO ◽  
Soraia Paulino MARCHI

RESUMO O presente artigo tem por finalidade analisar com base na pesquisa bibliográfica se é aplicável o Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil e se pode ser efetivo. Discorre sobre como se originaram o Estado liberal (burguês) e o Estado social ou de providência (intervencionista), posicionando-os na história, tanto das revoluções quanto das crises que os embasaram, traçando seus conceitos, características, aplicação e crises. Buscar demonstrar o contexto histórico, com base nas Constituições brasileiras, desde a imperial de 1824 até a democrática de 1988, a origem do Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil, até que ponto tem respaldo para ser aplicado, se pode ser efetivo ou não. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Estado liberal; Estado do bem-estar social; Estado social; Estado de providência; Brasil. ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to analyze, based on bibliographical research, whether the State of social welfare in Brazil is applicable and can be effective. It discusses how the liberal (bourgeois) state and the social or providential state (interventionist) originated, placing them in the history of both the revolutions and the crises that underpinned them, tracing their concepts, characteristics, application and crises. Seeking to demonstrate the historical context, based on the Brazilian Constitutions, from the imperial of 1824 to the democratic of 1988, the origin of the welfare state in Brazil, to what extent has support to be applied, whether it can be effective or not . KEYWORDS: Liberal state; State of social welfare; Social state; State of providence; Brazil.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor McCabe

This article argues that Wright's work poorly understands the frameworks and organisational structures necessary to confront class power. Taking Wright's symbiotic strategies, it makes the point that if those strategies start to make gains, capital will react – and with force – but that Wright fails to build this into his argument. This leaves unaddressed the changes in class power in the past forty years and the implications of these for viable counter-capitalist strategies, avoiding any mention of trade unions or political parties. It states that the missing element in Wright's proposals is class power. Identifying financialisation as being at the heart of the changes in class power, it sees the state and state services as a crucial battleground as any democratic gains here are losses for finance capital. As the drive to dismantle the welfare state places more pressure on women, the article ends by focusing attention on the importance of women's struggles against cutbacks and privatisation of state provision.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Edling

Where does the welfare state come from? On the long history of a modern key conceptThisarticle charts the history of the term the welfare state in Germany and the United States, the two countries where it was formed. It starts from the premise that political key concepts, such as the welfare state, have multiple meanings and are open to contestation. This means that the objective is to study the different and changing usages and meanings of the term from the 1860s to the 1940s.In the oldest of the four usages, der Wohlfahrtsstaat referred to pre-1789 authoritarian regimes where the welfare of the people constituted the objective and rationale of the state. Gradually during the latter half of the nineteenth century, an alternative understanding emerged in Germany where the culture and welfare state connoted a responsible state, which regulated the modernizing economy. In the early twentieth century, many texts mentioned this new Kultur- und Wohlfahrtsstaat as a fitting label for contemporary Germany. At the same time, this new regulating welfare state became a topic in the United States as well.In the Weimar Republic 1919–33, the idea of the social welfare state was highly contested from the start. This understanding centred on social policy, on the state as the driving force in social reform. Fourthly, the democratic welfare state, a state that catered for the common good and respected civil liberties, was contrasted to authoritarian power states. These four usages should not be seen as separate stages in an orderly historical sequence of conceptual development, but as co-existing layers of meaning that could be mixed in multiple and changing ways. Depending on ideological and political point of view, the modern welfare state, which emerged after 1945, could incorporate one or several of the historical layers (the authoritarian-paternalistic, the regulating, the social and the democratic welfare state). This new idea of the welfare state was a product of the Depression and the War with expanding state activity and ideological mobilization. The United States’ acquired position as global military and moral superpower constituted one prerequisite. The welfare state was in this sense part of the democratic restart after 1945. Two considerations were important for this conception: the state’s responsibility for promoting economic growth and combating unemployment and the emergence of human rights that include social security.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 757-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher John Nock

AbstractLibertarian writers such as Hayek, Friedman, Hospers and Nozick have insisted that welfare state policies are, per se, inimical to the classical liberal notion of freedom. The purpose of this article is to test the internal coherence of the libertarian attack upon the welfare state. Special attention is given to Friedman's contentions in his Capitalism and Freedom. It is argued that the libertarian attack upon the welfare state is misguided. Indeed, it is suggested that in order to achieve the type of individual liberty that libertarians wish to secure the state must be assigned a positive welfare role.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Abbiss

This article offers a ‘post-heritage’ reading of both iterations of Upstairs Downstairs: the LondonWeekend Television (LWT) series (1971–5) and its shortlived BBC revival (2010–12). Identifying elements of subversion and subjectivity allows scholarship on the LWT series to be reassessed, recognising occasions where it challenges rather than supports the social structures of the depicted Edwardian past. The BBC series also incorporates the post-heritage element of self-consciousness, acknowledging the parallel between its narrative and the production’s attempts to recreate the success of its 1970s predecessor. The article’s first section assesses the critical history of the LWT series, identifying areas that are open to further study or revised readings. The second section analyses the serialised war narrative of the fourth series of LWT’s Upstairs, Downstairs (1974), revealing its exploration of female identity across multiple episodes and challenging the notion that the series became more male and upstairs dominated as it progressed. The third section considers the BBC series’ revised concept, identifying the shifts in its main characters’ positions in society that allow the series’ narrative to question the past it evokes. This will be briefly contrasted with the heritage stability of Downton Abbey (ITV, 2010–15). The final section considers the household of 165 Eaton Place’s function as a studio space, which the BBC series self-consciously adopts in order to evoke the aesthetics of prior period dramas. The article concludes by suggesting that the barriers to recreating the past established in the BBC series’ narrative also contributed to its failure to match the success of its earlier iteration.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Abbiss

This article offers a ‘post-heritage’ reading of both iterations of Upstairs Downstairs: the LondonWeekend Television (LWT) series (1971–5) and its shortlived BBC revival (2010–12). Identifying elements of subversion and subjectivity allows scholarship on the LWT series to be reassessed, recognising occasions where it challenges rather than supports the social structures of the depicted Edwardian past. The BBC series also incorporates the post-heritage element of self-consciousness, acknowledging the parallel between its narrative and the production’s attempts to recreate the success of its 1970s predecessor. The article’s first section assesses the critical history of the LWT series, identifying areas that are open to further study or revised readings. The second section analyses the serialised war narrative of the fourth series of LWT’s Upstairs, Downstairs (1974), revealing its exploration of female identity across multiple episodes and challenging the notion that the series became more male and upstairs dominated as it progressed. The third section considers the BBC series’ revised concept, identifying the shifts in its main characters’ positions in society that allow the series’ narrative to question the past it evokes. This will be briefly contrasted with the heritage stability of Downton Abbey (ITV, 2010–15). The final section considers the household of 165 Eaton Place’s function as a studio space, which the BBC series self-consciously adopts in order to evoke the aesthetics of prior period dramas. The article concludes by suggesting that the barriers to recreating the past established in the BBC series’ narrative also contributed to its failure to match the success of its earlier iteration.


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