scholarly journals Israeli Pre-Transitional Justice and the Nakba Law

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Yoav Kapshuk ◽  
Lisa Strömbom

Pre-transitional justice activities that expose past injustices during entrenched conflicts can incite strong reactions among actors who feel threatened by or dislike such activities, and who thus attempt to silence controversial truths. This article illuminates how attempts to silence controversial truths, in parallel with shutting down debate, can also have the unintended outcome of enlarging public discourse on previously marginalised issues. Thus, paradoxically, efforts to curb freedom of expression sometimes result instead in an expanded public capacity to debate previously silenced truths about the conflict. We conduct a case study of reactions to pre-transitional justice in Israeli society focusing on the so-called Nakba Law, enacted in 2011. Through interviews with members of the non-governmental organisation Zochrot, politicians, teachers and media persons, we first show the relationship between pre-transitional justice and enacting the Nakba Law. We then demonstrate that while the Nakba Law indeed aimed to hamper freedom of expression, it also enabled increased public knowledge about the meaning of Nakba. Our theoretical proposition regarding this paradox, in this case activated by instigating new memory laws, is highly relevant to other conflicts-in-resolution that experience pre-transitional justice processes.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-444
Author(s):  
Camila Bruning ◽  
José Henrique De Faria ◽  
Karlo Marques Junior

This paper analyzes the relationship between (i) worker’s perception about their working context and (ii) the physical, social and psychological damage that they perceive having from working in this context. Data were collected in the production line of three factories of an automotive company situated in the metropolitan region of Curitiba/Brazil. The theoretical basis for the analysis is the Psychodynamics of Work (DEJOURS, 1993), through which the dynamics of suffering and illness of workers inserted in this context is analyzed. We conducted a descriptive case study with primary data collection by applying the Inventory of Work and Illness Risk – ITRA (MENDES, 2007). The relationship between physical and psychosocial damage and the perception of workers in relation to their work environment were evaluated by a Tobit regression model. The results suggest that: a worsening in the workers rating of the working conditions leads to a higher incidence of illnesses. The results also suggest that variables such as “freedom of expression”, “experiences of pleasure”, “experiences of suffering” and “perception of recognition” are important to explain incidence of disease symptoms.


Author(s):  
Guy Beiner

An understanding of the historical dynamics of social forgetting can be learned from the detailed case study of the vernacular historiography of the 1798 Rebellion in Ulster. It has far-reaching implications for a more meaningful appreciation of the relationship between history and memory. The political impasse in post-conflict Northern Ireland, which has stumbled over disagreements on ‘dealing with the past’ in the context of finding acceptable arrangements for transitional justice, could benefit from showing more sensitivity, not only to the role of oral history storytelling, but also to ingrained traditions of ‘vernacular silence’ that perpetuate social forgetting. A brief inspection of some prominent twentieth-century examples demonstrates the wider relevance of studying social forgetting. In today’s digital age, explorations of social forgetting suggest new possibilities for reconciling conflicts between an inner duty to remember and the right to be outwardly forgotten.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232171989081
Author(s):  
Patrícia Rossini ◽  
Jennifer Stromer-Galley ◽  
Feifei Zhang

Social media is now ubiquitously used by political campaigns, but less attention has been given to public discussions that take place on candidates’ free public accounts on social media. Also unclear is whether there is a relationship between campaign messaging and the tone of public comments. To address this gap, this article analyzes public comments on Facebook accounts of candidates Trump and Clinton during the US election presidential debates in 2016. We hypothesize that attack messages posted by the candidates predict uncivil reactions by the public and that the public is more likely to be uncivil when attacking candidates. We use content analysis, supervised machine learning, and text mining to analyze candidates’ posts and public comments. Our results suggest that Clinton was the target of substantially more uncivil comments. Negative messages by the candidates are not associated with incivility by the public, but comments are significantly more likely to be uncivil when the public is attacking candidates. These results suggest that the public discourse around political campaigns might be less affected by what campaigns post on social media than by the public’s own perceptions and feelings toward the candidates.


Ingen spøk ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Pål Ketil Botvar

Do Norwegians think it is okay to laugh at humour that is related to religion? This is the question I explore, based on a representative survey conducted in Norway. In recent years the relationship between religion and humour has been a topic of public discourse, sparked initially in 2005/2006 when the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten and the Norwegian weekly Magazinet published cartoons depicting the Islamic prophet Muhammad. The publications led to heated debate, riots and demonstrations in different parts of the world. The 2015 attack on the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo brought the topic back into the public eye. The controversy over boundaries for joking about religion is part of a larger debate about freedom of expression and the rights of vulnerable groups such as religious minorities. Given the public debate on the topic, one can assume that many Norwegians have made up their minds about the topic of humour and religion in the public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-363
Author(s):  
Jordi Serrano-Muñoz

In this article, I explore the relationship between the reproduction of hegemonic discourses of national representation in the reception of literature in translation and processes of canonization. I argue that World Literature as a paradigm hinders our efforts of overcoming the burdens of canonization. As a case study, I analyze the implications of building and reproducing a canon of Japanese literature in translation in the United States for the way Japan has been represented in public discourse in the last thirty years. I will focus on the reception of Murakami Haruki as the contemporary representative of the canon of Japanese literature in translation. My goal is to examine how the circumstances of Japanese literature in translation perpetuate mechanisms of canonization in their engagement and legitimation of an ongoing logic of representation that is non-confrontational with agents in power. I aim to test the extent to which studying the reception of East Asian literature in translation can help us promote a broader discussion on the appropriateness of such frameworks in our understanding of the contemporary literary phenomenon.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bekim Baliqi

This paper examines the relationship between political power and war remembrance by considering the way war remembrance occurs in a divided society. The purpose of this paper is to explore memory of the violent past and its uses as an ongoing arena of disputes between former adversaries and within ethnopolitical groups pushing their distinct versions of memory. Moreover, this paper examines three key aspects of the politics of remembrance: prevalent narratives, arenas of commemoration, and agencies of war remembrance, based on the case study of Kosovo. The postwar narrative and commemoration in Kosovo have evolved along ethnic lines, perpetuating antagonism and conflicting identities. Memorialization in Kosovo raises serious challenges for comprehensive transitional justice and reconciliation between these ethnic groups. The paper concludes that through appropriate civic education, critical inquiry of commemoration practices, and especially through evidence-based adaptation of the history curriculum, there is a chance to promote a culture of shared memory and to establish inclusive politics of remembrance in Kosovo, as crucial components of reconciliation and peace-building.


2019 ◽  
pp. 105-152
Author(s):  
Farid Samir Benavides Vanegas

In memory studies and in the field of transitional justice, the story of the victims is usually seen as relevant. It is usually assumed that what is said by the victims has an absolute value of truth and cannot be controverted, otherwise we would be attacking their dignity. And, next to this, it is maintained that everything held by the perpetrators is false, and therefore we cannot believe absolutely in what they tell. But we have to take into account that neither perpetrator nor victims are witnesses, but, from a legal point of view, they are active parties in that social relationship we call crime. In this text, I want to discuss the relationship between the witness and the archive and for that I use the Colombian case as a case study. Initially I analyze the question of memory and later I analyze the relationships between truth and memory. With this text, I intend to contribute to the studies of transitional justice that take for granted, without further analysis, the validity of the documentary contributions or the stories of the victims and the witnesses. It is not a mere theoretical pretension, since it depends on the elaboration of truth criteria for both the criminal justice system and the Truth Commissions.


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