COMBATING TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN AFRICA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

2006 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HATCHARD
Keyword(s):  
Transnational Crime ◽  
Environmental Crime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Proceeds Of Crime ◽  
Made In

Transnational crime is a major problem for African states with corruption, trafficking of persons, drugs trafficking, environmental crime and the like posing a major threat to development and stability. This article examines three challenges that states must tackle in order to combat transnational crime effectively. The first is how to deal with criminals who operate outside the jurisdiction. The second concerns the investigation of crimes with a transnational element. The third challenge involves tracing and then recovering the proceeds of crime that have been moved out of the country where the crime occurred. Here the need for Western states to cooperate with those in Africa is highlighted. Drawing on examples from Lesotho and Nigeria in particular, it is argued that some progress is being made in meeting these challenges. However, the article notes that developing the political will to tackle transnational crime is fundamental to any lasting improvement.

scholarly journals Addressing Poverty in Sudan and Malaysia: A Story of Success and Constraints

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Hillo Abdelatti ◽  
Yasin Elhadary ◽  
Narimah Samat
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Poverty Line ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Desk Review ◽  
Made In

Sudan and Malaysia have shown some socio-economic similarities especially when it comes to the issue of addressing poverty. After independence, almost half of the entire population of both countries were living under poverty line. The successive national governments in both countries have embarked on eliminating the extreme poverty. The aim of this paper is to highlight the policies and programmes adopted and implemented by policymakers in both countries in addressing poverty. The overall objective is to uncover the secret of the success and constraints faced both countries in addressing poverty. To achieve such objective, the paper based mainly on a desk review of recent documents and review of some recent researches' result. The paper has come out with that the similarities between both countries manifested itself in that both are classified as Muslim countries, have an agricultural background, inherited the same legacy as been colonized by British, their communities consist of various ethnic groups and minorities with sharp spatial and ethnic inequalities in income and social class. Despite these, Malaysia has succeeded in reducing poverty from over fifty 52.4% in 1970 to around one per cent 1.2 % in 2015, while less progress has been made in side of Sudan. Moreover, unlike Sudan, Malaysia has managed to achieve the MDGs goals in halving a head before the time determined, while Sudan has long way and it seems impossible to fulfil such objective even after 2015. Our findings have shown that, formulated home-grown policies, rejecting imposed policies by international institutions (World Bank), availability and accessibility of up to date poverty data, ability to implement policies and above all the political will are the main drivers behind the secret of success in the side of Malaysia and vice versa for Sudan. Sudan like other countries has to follow the Malaysia model if the decision makers are serious in eliminating poverty. This paper may contribute to the on-going discussion on poverty and open rooms for more comparative study between nations. Comparative study will help the planners in formulating rational policy, benefitting from exchanging ideas and learning from each.

The Third Wave: Islamization of Europe, or Europanization of Islam?

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Maurits S. Berger
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
The Real ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
The Third ◽  
European Values ◽  
Made In

Abstract To understand the concerns and issues related to Muslims and Islam in Europe, this article makes use of a framework that qualifies ‘Islam’ as two manifestations of ‘physical’ and ‘virtual’ Islam and ‘Europe’ as two discourses defined as the political-legal and cultural-religious discourse. The resulting matrix of these four dimensions will be applied to several of the main issues of the interaction between Islam and Europe: the numerical presence of Muslims, their visibility, the legacy of centuries of European-Islamic interaction, and the (in)compatibility of Islamic and European values. Based on these examples, the author observes that the European concerns regarding ‘Islam’ mostly relate to virtual Islam and are dominated by cultural-religious discourse. The author therefore questions the often-heard two-choice question between ‘Europanization of Islam’ or ‘Islamization of Europe’, arguing that the real choice to be made in Europe is whether it will adhere to its political-legal values, such as liberalism, equalit and human rights, or will prefer its cultural-religious values.

Environmental modernization and administrative simplification in Portugal

elni Review ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Alexandra Aragão
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Management ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
The Public ◽  
Administrative Simplification ◽  
Detailed Presentation ◽  
Made In

The fight against bureaucracy has been a constitutional goal in Portugal since 1982, when the first constitutional amendments were made. In Article 267(1), the following was included on the organization and goals of the Public Administration: “the Public Administration shall be structured in such a way as to avoid bureaucratisation, bring departments and services closer to local people and ensure that interested parties take part in its effective management, particularly via public associations, residents’ organisations and other forms of democratic representation”. Unfortunately, the mere fact of having a constitutional article dedicated to bureaucracy does not automatically fulfil the intended goal unless there is also the political will, governmental commitment and institutional capacity to achieve the objective. Since 2005 the conditions for serious and systematic simplification have finally been met. In this article, the legal and political context in which the first modernization initiatives occurred, firstly, is briefly explained. Then, the article moves on to a more detailed presentation and critical analysis of the recent legal changes that took place in 2015 and transformed the environmental bureaucracy landscape in Portugal.

scholarly journals Kelembagaan Politik Islam: Konsep Konstitusi, Legislasi, Demokrasi, Ummah Dan Syura’

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The People ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rules Of The Game ◽  
Made In

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.

scholarly journals A CIDADE DO LOBITO NA MEMÓRIA DE MIGRANTES DA DESCOLONIZAÇÃO DE ANGOLA RESIDENTES NO RIO DE JANEIRO THE CITY OF LOBITO IN THE MEMORY OF MIGRANTS OF DECOLONIZATION FROM ANGOLA WHO LIVE IN RIO DE JANEIRO

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel De Souza Lima Junqueira Barreto
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
First Generation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Population Census ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The City ◽  
Made In

A cidade do Lobito foi fundada em 1905. Segundo o último Censo populacional do período colonial em Angola, feito em 1970, naquela altura era a terceira maior cidade angolana. Era um centro econômico muito relevante, sede de um importante porto e do Caminho de Ferro de Benguela. Este artigo aborda as memórias de antigos habitantes que residem hoje no Rio de Janeiro e que deixaram Angola em 1975, ano da independência política e do início da guerra civil. Através de suas lembranças foi possível acessar a visão que tinham da atmosfera da cidade, um exemplo da visão da vida em Angola como um paraíso, assim como suas visões a respeito do racismo e da discriminação estruturantes daquela sociedade. Tal questão se referia às relações entre brancos e negros e também entre colonos, de primeira geração e luso-angolanos. The city of Lobito was founded in 1905. According to the last Population census, made in 1970, at that time it was the third biggest Angolan city. It was a very relevant economic center, headquarters of an important port and of the Benguela Railway. This paper approach the memories of former inhabitants that today live in Rio de Janeiro and who left Angola in 1975, year of the political independence and the beginning of the civil war. Through their memories it was possible to access their vision of the city’s atmosphere, an example of the vision concerning the life in Angola as a paradise, as well as their visions concerning the structural racism and discrimination of that society. Such matter refers to the relation between whites and blacks and also between first generation settlers and luso-angolans.

The Securitization of Transnational Crime

2018 ◽  
pp. 24-53
Author(s):  
Michael McKenzie
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Criminal Activity ◽  
Transnational Crime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Standard View ◽  
Political Will

This chapter asks: what is driving criminal justice cooperation between Australia and Indonesia? By tracing various ‘wars on crime’ waged by both countries since the 1970s, it reveals how the politicization—and ultimately ‘securitization’—of transnational crime has provided much of the impetus for cooperation between them. This helps correct the standard view that such cooperation is simply a response to a growth in transnational criminal activity. The chapter concludes that the greater the politicization of a transnational problem, the greater the political will to pursue international cooperation in response. It does not follow, however, that the politicization of transnational crime within each country will necessarily result in cooperation between them. In fact, the very act of politicization can (somewhat paradoxically) make cooperation harder to achieve.

scholarly journals POLSKA POLITYKA HISTORYCZNA W OCENIE ZYGMUNTA WOJCIECHOWSKIEGO W OKRESIE MIĘDZYWOJENNYM

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 349
Author(s):  
Maciej Marszał
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The University

Zygmunt Wojciechowski’s Assessment of the History-Based Policy in the Interwar PeriodSummary This paper will provide an analysis of the History-Based Politics in thoughts of Zygmunt Wojciechowski (1900–1955) – history profesor at the University of Poznań, co-founder of the Baltic Institute (Instytut Bałtycki) in Toruń, publicist of the “Avant-garde” and expert on PolishGerman relations. Wojciechowski in Polish political thought was a representative of the Integral Polish nationalism (polski nacjonalizm integralny), which meant synthesis of national and state’s demands. He opted for the ideological formula in order to reach an agreement between the political heritage of Roman Dmowski and the Józef Piłsudski’s political reforms. For Wojciechowski, a professor of history, an important element of national consciousness was the historical awareness that the Polish state must continuously maintain through History-Based Policy. According to him, this policy should focus on three main issues: First, the expansion on the tradition referring to the beginning of Polish statehood. Second issue would be to make Poles aware of their international situation, especially in the context of their struggle with the Germanic and Prussian element. And the third issue would be to revise and update the values of the Constitution of May 3. It should be noted that the views of Zygmunt Wojciechowski on History-Based Policy in the interwar period were a part of a political discourse. His bold and uncompromising thoughts of the Polish-German relations and the demand to return the “Lands of Piasts” (ziemie Piastów) constituted an important element of the Integral Polish nationalism. It wouldn’t be too far-fetched to say that the desire to carry-on the political will of Jan Ludwik Popławski and bring the Poles back to their “ancestral lands” (ziemie macierzyste) was present in Polish historical consciousness of the interwar period.

scholarly journals POLITYKA PIASTÓW ŚLĄSKICH I WIELKOPO LSKICH WOBEC TEMPLARIUSZY NAD ŚRODKOWĄ ODRĄ I DOLNĄ WARTĄ W XIII WIEKU

2021 ◽  
pp. 329-345
Author(s):  
Maciej Przybył
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
Made In

This article revolves around patrimonies for the Templars on the borders of Lubusz, Wielkopolska and Pomerania regions. The author presents the course of these patrimonies in a context of the political actions on the part of Piast dukes in Silesia and Wielkopolska. The article consists of three parts: the first of them presents the invitation of the Templars to Poland, with the (nearly concurrent) contribution made in the third decade of the 13th century by Henry I Bearded and Władysław Odonic. Part two is dedicated to the controversial patrimony of Chwarszczany on the Myśla, the biggest Templars’ commandery on the central Oder and the lower Warta and Wielka Wieś – a dominion located on the Lubusz and Wielkopolska border. In the last part, attention has been drawn to the subsequent patrimonies for the Templars in the area in question from 1234-1261.

A Forger of Graffiti

1955 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 251-265
Author(s):  
P. Corbett ◽  
G. Woodhead
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Detailed Exposition ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Ferment ◽  
General Concern ◽  
Made In

A Recent number of this Annual (BSA XLVIII 191 ff.) included an account of a lengthy graffito, which was tentatively interpreted as a product of the political ferment in Athens in 411 B.C. The graffito was on a fragment of a fish-plate, and round the rim was a second inscription, part of a dedication, the latest possible date for which appeared to be c. 435 B.C.; however, the evidence at present available indicates that plates of this form were not produced before the fourth century. This discrepancy was pointed out, but as the content and execution of the graffito seemed to exclude the likelihood of forgery, the only remaining explanation appeared to be that the evidence for the chronology of Attic pottery had been misinterpreted; more specifically, that fish-plates were in fact already being made in the third quarter of the fifth century, and that the shape remained stable, without any perceptible variations for over forty years. A conclusion of this kind would have far-reaching implications, since the dating of buildings or objects in an excavation often has to be inferred from the pottery discovered with them; accordingly when further material came to light which proved beyond all doubt that the graffito concerned must be rejected as a forgery, it was felt that the subject is of sufficiently general concern to warrant a detailed exposition.

Elites and Color Revolutions: The Logic of Russia’s Response

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
Political Warfare ◽  
Russian Politics

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.

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