scholarly journals Kelembagaan Politik Islam: Konsep Konstitusi, Legislasi, Demokrasi, Ummah Dan Syura’

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.

Phronesis ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elsa Bouchard

AbstractA new assessment of Aristotle Politics 3.11 shows that most of the arguments contained in this chapter are strictly analogical and should not be granted too much weight in Aristotle’s overall conception of popular government. A close analysis of the four analogies used by Aristotle to illustrate the so-called “wisdom of the many” brings to light both the negative and the positive conclusions allowed by this chapter, the following in particular: 1) the partial inclusion of the people in government decisions is desirable insofar as the people are affected by these decisions; 2) the people’s judgements are most qualified in some areas of political life, such as the audit of the magistrates; 3) the optimal distribution of power in the political community is made in accordance with the relative merits of all its members.


2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-174
Author(s):  
JHR ◽  
WTE

Constituent power of the courts, in dialogue, accommodation or even collaboration, has become undeniable. It raises at least two points for scholarship to contemplate. First, what is the foundation of this power in terms of classical constitutional theory? Second, instead of or apart from the courts and their interactions: what is the relationship, in this constituent activity, between the courts and the political institutions, including the people?


1999 ◽  
pp. 276-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Markoff

Writing on the eve of the democratic breakthrough of the late eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave vivid voice to a critique of the political institutions across the Channel that were admired by so many French reformers of the day. Commenting scornfully on British electoral practice, he observed in 1762 that:"The people of England regards itself as free, but it is gravely mistaken. It is free only during the election of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing. The use it makes of the short moments of liberty it enjoys merits losing them." Rousseau's contention about the limitations of electoral institutions was in no way superseded by the age of democratic revolution that followed. From the 1790s to the present, there have been recurrent complaints about the depth of popular involvement in political life, the reality of popular control over powerholders, and the possibility that the existence of some form of institutional channel for participation could blind publics to the inadequacy of that participation. Rousseau's critique has repeatedly reappeared in one form or another and has informed movements for a more genuine democratization.


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
James Yoho

To illustrate how a civil law can significantly affect the political life of a nation in a fashion that extends well beyond its apparent objective. Alexis de Tocquevillc offered as an example the various changes in American inheritance laws that were made in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. In Democracy in America, he attributes to them the "final advance of equality" in America, expressing surprise that more attention has not been paid to their effect on political systems in general.1 At least with respect to the American political system, this lack of attention may be due to Tocquevillc having been largely mistaken in his assertion of the effect of the changes; there arc any number of more apt examples of the statutes of the time.


Author(s):  
Sergii Savchenko ◽  
Vitalii Kurylo

The article deals with the analysis of the problem of patriotic education in the process of youth socialization in conditions of hybrid warfare. Based on their own personal many-years’ experience as educators and top-officials of the higher educational establishment which had been displaced from the military zone in the east of Ukraine and implementing a number of sociological methods of research, the authors state that patriotism can essentially influence the formation of an individual’s political culture in general identifying his attitude to the history, traditions and religious preferences of his nation, to the evaluation of the nation’s place and role in the modern world. The authors arrive at the conclusion that patriotism determines political orientations of an individual towards the political institutions of a society, towards a political system as well as towards an individual’s personal participation in the political life. A special emphasis is made on the idea that in modern Ukraine which actually faces Russia’s hybrid warfare in Donbas, patriotism serves as the most important value which does not only integrate a social potential of an individual but also his spiritual, moral and cultural potentials.


2006 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HATCHARD

Transnational crime is a major problem for African states with corruption, trafficking of persons, drugs trafficking, environmental crime and the like posing a major threat to development and stability. This article examines three challenges that states must tackle in order to combat transnational crime effectively. The first is how to deal with criminals who operate outside the jurisdiction. The second concerns the investigation of crimes with a transnational element. The third challenge involves tracing and then recovering the proceeds of crime that have been moved out of the country where the crime occurred. Here the need for Western states to cooperate with those in Africa is highlighted. Drawing on examples from Lesotho and Nigeria in particular, it is argued that some progress is being made in meeting these challenges. However, the article notes that developing the political will to tackle transnational crime is fundamental to any lasting improvement.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.


Author(s):  
Ammar Shamaileh ◽  
Yousra Chaábane

What is the relationship between institutional favoritism, economic well-being, and political trust? Due to the role that East Bank tribes played in supporting the monarchy during the state’s formative years, Jordan has institutionalized a type of political discrimination that privileges East Bank Jordanians over Palestinian Jordanians. An empirical examination of the political institutions of the state reveals that such discrimination remains pervasive. It was subsequently theorized that institutional favoritism’s impact on political trust is conditional on income due to the greater salience of group identity among individuals with lower incomes. Regression analyses of survey data reveal a consistent negative correlation between political trust and income among East Bank Jordanians. There is little evidence of a substantively meaningful unconditional relationship between national origin and political trust.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Hillo Abdelatti ◽  
Yasin Elhadary ◽  
Narimah Samat

Sudan and Malaysia have shown some socio-economic similarities especially when it comes to the issue of addressing poverty. After independence, almost half of the entire population of both countries were living under poverty line. The successive national governments in both countries have embarked on eliminating the extreme poverty. The aim of this paper is to highlight the policies and programmes adopted and implemented by policymakers in both countries in addressing poverty. The overall objective is to uncover the secret of the success and constraints faced both countries in addressing poverty. To achieve such objective, the paper based mainly on a desk review of recent documents and review of some recent researches' result. The paper has come out with that the similarities between both countries manifested itself in that both are classified as Muslim countries, have an agricultural background, inherited the same legacy as been colonized by British, their communities consist of various ethnic groups and minorities with sharp spatial and ethnic inequalities in income and social class. Despite these, Malaysia has succeeded in reducing poverty from over fifty 52.4% in 1970 to around one per cent 1.2 % in 2015, while less progress has been made in side of Sudan. Moreover, unlike Sudan, Malaysia has managed to achieve the MDGs goals in halving a head before the time determined, while Sudan has long way and it seems impossible to fulfil such objective even after 2015. Our findings have shown that, formulated home-grown policies, rejecting imposed policies by international institutions (World Bank), availability and accessibility of up to date poverty data, ability to implement policies and above all the political will are the main drivers behind the secret of success in the side of Malaysia and vice versa for Sudan. Sudan like other countries has to follow the Malaysia model if the decision makers are serious in eliminating poverty. This paper may contribute to the on-going discussion on poverty and open rooms for more comparative study between nations. Comparative study will help the planners in formulating rational policy, benefitting from exchanging ideas and learning from each.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.


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