The Ideology of the Ante-bellum Northern Democrats

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Collins

Why did large numbers of Northerners vote for the Democrats on the eve of the Civil War? This is a question which the most recent studies of Northern ante-bellum politics leave unanswered. Professor Formisano's pains-taking study of Michigan's party politics amply shows the eclectic character of the Republicans' appeal. Republicans combined a stern mixture of moral purpose and narrow puritanism with a powerful critique of the South. Republicanism emerges from Professor Foner's influential study as a species of stalwart, visionary parochialism quite irresistible to the northern electorate. It represented the self-satisfied affirmation that the proper maintenance of existing Protestant and entrepreneurial values in the socially harmonious North was essential to America's future growth. It also rested upon a belief in the need to resist Southern attempts to push slavery into the western territories. This belief stemmed from a defensive, slightly paranoid interpretation of the operation of federal politics. Congress and the federal administration in Democratic hands were, according to the Republicans, the merest tools of “ the Dominant Class in the Republic, ” the Southern slaveowners. Thus high faith in free society and deep fear of Southern expansion co-existed uneasily together. Republicans, in Eric Foner's view, articulated an ideology which merged together an over-arching notion of the good society (a basically non-class society, in which the ladder of status was short and its ascent easy, and in which the fundamental interests of labourers, farmers and small entrepreneurs were identical) with an immediate call to political action.

Author(s):  
Mark Byers

This concluding chapter charts the continuing significance of the early postwar moment in Olson’s later work, particularly The Maximus Poems. The philosophical and political concerns of the American avant-garde between 1946 and 1951 play out across The Maximus Poems just as they inform later American art practices. The search of the early postwar American independent left for a source of political action rooted in the embodied individual is seen, on the one hand, to have been personified in the figure of Maximus. At the same time, Maximus’s radical ‘practice of the self’ charts a sophisticated alternative to the Enlightenment humanist subject widely critiqued in the United States in the immediate postwar period.


Author(s):  
Mark Byers

The Practice of the Self situates the work of American poet Charles Olson (1910–70) at the centre of the early postwar American avant-garde. It shows Olson to have been one of the major advocates and theorists of American modernism in the late 1940s and early 1950s; a poet who responded fully and variously to the political, ethical, and aesthetic urgencies driving innovation across contemporary American art. Reading Olson’s work alongside that of contemporaries associated with the New York Schools of painting and music (as well as the exiled Frankfurt School), the book draws on Olson’s published and unpublished writings to establish an original account of early postwar American modernism. The development of Olson’s work is seen to illustrate two primary drivers of formal innovation in the period: the evolution of a new model of political action pivoting around the radical individual and, relatedly, a powerful new critique of instrumental reason and the Enlightenment tradition. Drawing on extensive archival research and featuring readings of a wide range of artists—including, prominently, Barnett Newman, Mark Rothko, David Smith, Wolfgang Paalen, and John Cage—The Practice of the Self offers a new reading of a major American poet and an original account of the emergence of postwar American modernism.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Frasure ◽  
Allan Kornberg

We began by reviewing the history of agency and by describing the two major parties' procedures for recruiting and training agents. Not surprisingly, the perceptions that agents have of their roles is not entirely congruent with official perceptions. Approximately 20 per cent of the agents of both parties felt that the performance of various representational functions was the most important part of their job although these tasks are not included in official job descriptions. Moreover, although a majority of the agents in each party believed that their most important job was to build and maintain constituency organizations capable of winning elections, the majority of their time was not spent on this task. Conservative agents seemingly spent a disproportionate amount of time doing routine office work, whereas over 40 per cent of the Labour agents spent much of their time trying to raise the funds that paid their salaries. Large numbers of agents in both parties agreed that raising money in their constituencies was a difficult and largely unrewarding task.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 (95) ◽  
Author(s):  
Konstantin Zamyatin

The paper will study ethnic politics in the Republic of Mari El throughout the post-Soviet period in order to explore the phenomenon of ethnic political participation in the republics of Russia. The paper will start with examining the patterns of ethnic political participation in regions in their connection to methods of diversity management. Next, the paper will present a case study on ethnic aspects of politics in the Republic of Mari El with a focus on party politics and personalized politics. Finally, the paper will analyse the developments that contributed to the establishment of the system of ethnic domination and backed some ethnic political participation in this republic. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. e054009
Author(s):  
Gianluigi Segalerba ◽  
Oleg Yurievich Latyshev-Maysky

   In our study, we analyse some reflections contained in the education thought of John Dewey, Paulo Freire and Peter McLaren. The three thinkers, with mutually different methods, have, in our opinion, as common point the intention to show that no education system is neutral in relation to the way in which societies are organised: all systems of education aim at the constitution of a particular kind of society through the formation of a corresponding mentality in the individuals. The ethical and political foundations of a society are mirrored in the education system: any reform of the society should, therefore, begin with the reform of the education system; furthermore, any reform of the society cannot be effective unless it is founded on the reform of education.  As regards Dewey’s observations, we concentrate our attention on his criticism of any education system based on the passivity of pupils and on the massification of students: Dewey steadily pleads for a system of education aiming at the individualisation of pupils. As regards Freire’s meditation, we point out Freire’s uncovering of the oppression exercised against the subaltern classes through the traditional education systems: the constant relegation of pupils of the oppressed classes to a condition of total passivity, which is the aim of the system of education described by Freire as the banking concept of education, destroys any sense and aspiration to autonomy in the pupils themselves. Self-depreciation of pupils is the result of the traditional system of education. McLaren points out that a correct system of education should have as its own aim the self-transformation and the empowerment of the students: educators ought to uncover the relations holding between knowledge, which is always a social construct, and the interests of the dominant class. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-58
Author(s):  
Jacques Van Impe

Abstract The well-known Russian ornithologist Prof. Peter Sushkin described it as a distinct species from Bashkortostan (Bashkiria) in 1897, a highly acclaimed discovery. However, its breeding grounds never been discovered. Since then, there has been a long-standing debate over the taxonomic position of Anser neglectus. Taxonomists have argued that Anser neglectus belongs to the group of A. fabalis Lath. because of its close resemblance with A. f. fabalis. At the beginning of the 20th century, large numbers of the Sushkin’s goose were observed in three winter quarters: on two lakes in the Republic of Bachkortostan, in the surroundings of the town of Tashkent in the Republic Uzbekistan, and in the puszta Hortobágy in eastern Hungary. It is a pity that taxonomists did not thoroughly compare the Russian and Hungarian ornithological papers concerning the former presence of Anser neglectus in these areas, because these rich sources refer to characteristics that would cast serious doubt on the classification of Anser neglectus as a subspecies, an individual variation or mutation of A. f. fabalis. Sushkin’s goose, though a typical Taiga Bean Goose, distinguished itself from other taxa of the Bean Goose by its plumage, its field identification, by its specific “Gé-gé” call, the size of its bill, and by its preference for warm and dry winter haunts. A. neglectus should therefore be considered a separate, fully distinct species, sensu Stegmann (1935) and Stegmann in Schenk (1931/34), if we follow the established criteria in bird systematics of Tobias et al. (2010). Between 1908 and 1911, an estimation of up to 150.000 individuals of A. neglectus wintered in the Hortobágy puszta. Approximate counts for both other winter quarters are not available. The last living birds were seen in the zoological garden of Budapest in 1934. Since then, A. f. fabalis and A. s. rossicus “Type neglectus” (i.e. A. f. fabalis and A. s. rossicus with a color of the bill and the legs, similar to the former A. neglectus) have been observed sporadically on the breeding grounds and in the winter quarters of both taxa. However, the true A. neglectus seems to be extinct. Its sudden disappearance may be related to the Tunguska event, the catastrophe in 1908 that may have caused genetic mutations. This hypothesis is considered to be the most likely, among other available hypotheses about its extinction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Daniluk

Abstract In the science of administrative and constitutional law, administration science and many other sciences, including political science, it is widely accepted that the basic, inherent feature of a municipality, deciding the essence of the territorial self-government unit as an entity of public administration, is the self-reliance it is entitled to. The self-reliance of territorial self-government units is even defined as a constitutional norm. In principle, self-reliance is perceived as a fundamental attribute of a decentralised public authority and constitutes one of the fundamental systemic principles of the Republic of Poland. It was formulated expressis verbis in art. 165 par. 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which states that the self-reliance of territorial self-government units is subject to judicial protection, meaning that TSGUs can defend themselves against illegal attempts, not grounded in the law to interfere in their self-reliance. This protection seems to encompass both the private-law and public-law spheres of territorial self-government activity. The essence and guarantees of territorial self-government units’ self-reliance also arise from other constitutional principles, including the aforementioned decentralisation principle, subsidiarity principle, separation of powers, supremacy of the nation and democratic state under rule of law. The goal of this article is to interpret the principle of municipal self-reliance in the context of constitutional principles of law, in the light of the Polish Constitution. The studies were conducted based on analysis of normative acts, doctrinal views and case law.


Author(s):  
Michael O. West

It is a truism that black folk in the United States are an international people. From the beginning of the republic, they were compelled by force of domestic (national) circumstances to internationalize their struggle for liberation, the founders having excluded them from the US social contract. The initial affidavit of exclusion is right there in the inaugural document of the social contract, the Declaration of Independence, which, ever so cryptically, damned the king of England for having “excited domestic insurrections amongst us.” This was an attack on the self-emancipatory activities of the enslaved descendants of Africa, who were exploiting the chaos caused by the anticolonial rebellion to claim their freedom, sometimes in cahoots with the British colonialists. Unable or unwilling to confront their own contradictions, the authors of the Declaration of Independence condemned the self-determination of the slaves as the doing of outside agitators, a charge that would be hurled at African American movements and activists for generations to come—up to the present time, in fact....


1970 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 368-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Hohl

A computer model for isolated disks of stars is used to study the self-consistent motion of large numbers of point masses as they move in the plane of the galactic disk. The Langley Research Center's CDC 6600 computers are used to integrate the equations of motion for systems containing from 50000 to 200000 stars. The results are presented in the form of a motion picture.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 343-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sahana Udupa ◽  
Shriram Venkatraman ◽  
Aasim Khan

In this special issue, we examine the two decades of digital media expansion in India, the world’s second largest Internet user domain, to propose the idea of “millennial India.” Millennial India highlights the processes of digitalization as a distinct sociopolitical moment entailing new conditions of communication, and the stakes of “millennials” who are drawn to digital media to articulate political matters. These processes, we suggest, have led to a democratization of public participation through the self-activity of online users. Qualifying the assumption that participation leads to empowerment, we show that a politics of civic action has grown simultaneously with violent exclusions via digital circulation. Millennial India emphasizes the need to take a contextual approach to global digital politics, and recognizes the continuities in the structures of political action in as much as the disruptions engendered by digital infrastructures.


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