scholarly journals (De-)Mobilising the Marginalised: A Comparison of the Argentine Piqueteros and Ecuador's Indigenous Movement

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONAS WOLFF

In recent years, socio-political crises have challenged democracy across South America. Social movements that succeeded in mobilising marginalised sectors are at the forefront of this turbulence, Ecuador's indigenous movement and the organisations of unemployed workers in Argentina being paradigmatic cases. Recent developments point to an intrinsic weakness of both indigenous and unemployed movements, in that democratic regimes have proved highly successful at ‘taming’ them. By comparing the two movements, in terms of their internal dynamics and interactions with the political system, this article argues that common characteristics that were crucial for successful mobilisation in the first place, at the same time, help explain their vulnerability to division and clientelist integration.

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-224
Author(s):  
Mateusz M. P. Kłagisz

The article discusses three Afghan posters as a source of information on the political system between 1978 and 1992 and its internal dynamics. The posters are an integral part of Afghan visual culture and at the same time they are an inseparable element of the broader propaganda culture developed by communist parties. Consequently, such categories as unity, utility and wishful thinking characteristic for the socialist realist art and propaganda put the posters in the broadly understood phenomenon of Orwellian newspeak. To discuss their Orwellian dimension theoretical tools developed by Umberto Eco have been applied.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peadar Kirby

This article develops a theoretical framework to consider the symbiotic relationship between civil society, social movements and the Irish state. Civil society, largely through social movements, laid the foundations for an independent Irish state in the half-century before independence. Following independence, the nature of the civil society–state relationship changed; civil society became much more dependent on the state. The article empirically traces the nature of society's relationship to the state since the 1920s, and examines the nature of the political system and its major political party, Fianna Fáil, the structure of the economy, and the dominance of particular understandings of the role of civil society and the nature of society itself. The period since the advent of social partnership in 1987 is examined; this period marks a new attempt by the state to co-opt organised civil society making it subservient to its project of the imposition on society of the requirements of global corporate profit-making. The more forceful implementation of a global free-market project by the Irish state since the 1980s, and the co-option of organised civil society into this project, has left huge space for an alternative to emerge, the potential of which was indicated by the success of the ‘No’ campaign in the 2008 Lisbon referendum campaign.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58886
Author(s):  
Willyan Alvarez Viégas ◽  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues

A segunda década do século XXI apresentou um cenário de fragilidades socioeconômicas com sucessivas crises políticas, ampliando a vulnerabilidade externa e a incapacidade estatal de planejamento na América do Sul. No plano regional, constata-se a proeminência da fragmentação, do regionalismo aberto e da retomada de projetos hemisféricos e/ou tratados de livre-comércio. O presente artigo possui o objetivo de ensejar o debate da integração sul-americana na década de 2020, a partir das experiências políticas deste início de século. Utilizando o método qualitativo da análise de documentos oficiais do embrionário Foro para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), a hipótese central é de que este novo bloco consiste numa tentativa de substituir o modelo prévio de integração autônoma por uma integração conservadora alinhada aos interesses liberais e estadunidenses. Por conseguinte, conclui-se que a América do Sul vem sendo afligida por um processo de desintegração regional.Palavras-chave: integração regional; América do Sul; PROSUL.ABSTRACTIn the second decade of the 21st century, South America presented socioeconomic fragilities with successive political crises, increasing the external vulnerability and the state's incapacity for planning. At the regional level, it was verified the prominence of fragmentation, open regionalism and the resurgence of hemispheric projects and free trade agreements. This article aims to promote the debate on South American integration in the 2020 decade, based on the political experiences of the beginning of this century. By Using the qualitative method of analyzing official documents of The Fórum para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), this article presents as its central hypothesis that this new block consists in an attempt to replace the previous model of autonomous integration with a conservative integration aligned to liberal and American interests. Consequently, this research concludes that there is a process of regional disintegration affecting South America in the last years.Keywords: regional integration; South America; PROSUL. Recebido em: 02 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 05 out. 2021.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
István Tarrósy ◽  
Zoltán Vörös

AbstractThis paper seeks to provide an overview of Hungary’s foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system of 1989–90. It intends to critically analyse the rise of pragmatism, in particular, in the new policy chapters of the ‘Turn towards the East’ and the ‘Opening to the South’, while it also looks at the international system itself with its recent developments and how Hungary has behaved in relation to them. Focal attention will be given to certain regions of the world, together with some global issues such as China, Turkey, Russia and Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as the ongoing refugee crisis and climate change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Agata Włodkowska

The article is part of the discussion on women’s political participation, their involvement in social movements and protests which are concentrated on the power shift and democratisation of the political system. The text focuses on the case study of Belarusian women’s participation in anti-regime and pro-democracy protests following the rigged presidential election of 9 August 2020.The aim of the article is to answer questions about the reasons for women’s involvement in the 2020 protests in Belarus and the methods of action used by them. The article also analyses the differences and similarities between the women’s protests in Belarus and pro-democracy protests oriented towards power change in other countries.


Author(s):  
Roberta Rice

Indigenous peoples have become important social and political actors in contemporary Latin America. The politicization of ethnic identities in the region has divided analysts into those who view it as a threat to democratic stability versus those who welcome it as an opportunity to improve the quality of democracy. Throughout much of Latin America’s history, Indigenous peoples’ demands have been oppressed, ignored, and silenced. Latin American states did not just exclude Indigenous peoples’ interests; they were built in opposition to or even against them. The shift to democracy in the 1980s presented Indigenous groups with a dilemma: to participate in elections and submit themselves to the rules of a largely alien political system that had long served as an instrument of their domination or seek a measure of representation through social movements while putting pressure on the political system from the outside. In a handful of countries, most notably Bolivia and Ecuador, Indigenous movements have successfully overcome this tension by forming their own political parties and contesting elections on their own terms. The emergence of Indigenous peoples’ movements and parties has opened up new spaces for collective action and transformed the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. Indigenous movements have reinvigorated Latin America’s democracies. The political exclusion of Indigenous peoples, especially in countries with substantial Indigenous populations, has undoubtedly contributed to the weakness of party systems and the lack of accountability, representation, and responsiveness of democracies in the region. In Bolivia, the election of the country’s first Indigenous president, Evo Morales (2006–present) of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) party, has resulted in new forms of political participation that are, at least in part, inspired by Indigenous traditions. A principal consequence of the broadening of the democratic process is that Indigenous activists are no longer forced to choose between party politics and social movements. Instead, participatory mechanisms allow civil society actors and their organizations to increasingly become a part of the state. New forms of civil society participation such as Indigenous self-rule broaden and deepen democracy by making it more inclusive and government more responsive and representative. Indigenous political representation is democratizing democracy in the region by pushing the limits of representative democracy in some of the most challenging socio-economic and institutional environments.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe

The Belgian political system is generally portrayed as being closed for outsiders. In this article we ascertain how the system responded to the challenge of the new social movements. The Belgian political elite developed a response strategy, based on thematical openness and actorial closure. The issues of the new social movements were admitted on the political agenda, but the movements themselves were excluded from access to the decision making process. Only those actors were allowed which were willing to accomodate themselves to the traditional elite consensus, based on neo-corporatism, pillarisation and a politically passive population.  Confronted with this elite strategy, the new social movements were able to fulfil their agenda function (bringing new issues on the political agenda), but they had little opportunity for introducing new cultural codes into the political decision making process. This lack of innovation enhances the legitimation crisis of the Belgian political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 119-144
Author(s):  
Karla Vermeulen

The chapter “Mistrusting Authorities in an Unstable World” examines how members of Generation Disaster engage with the political system today, having grown up in a post-9/11, wartime climate when many felt lied to or misrepresented by politicians and other authorities. That was followed by the extreme divisiveness of U.S. politics in general during their adolescence and as they moved into emerging adulthood. While some have chosen to disengage entirely, others have been moved to protest, vote at record levels, and generally continue the tradition of trying to recapture power from older people they feel aren’t representing them adequately. The importance of civic engagement as a marker of adulthood, and the history of social movements in the United States, are also discussed.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Jesus Casquette

A growing body of literature emphasizes how the political system affects the development of social movements. In this article, I take a complementary position-one that has been relatively underemphasized-that accounts for how social movements might transform their political environment. I underscore the interaction between the movement and civil society as a key process by which movements shape political structures and, in part, make their own political opportunities. I develop this argument by focusing on the civil disobedience campaign carried out by the antimilitary movement in the Basque Country during the period 1989-1993.


1986 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 887
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Vojislav Kostunica ◽  
Kosta Cavoski

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