Reflections of Kinship and Society under Vietnam's Lê Dynasty

1984 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Haines

The understanding of Vietnamese society and social relations remains problematic. Even for recent times there is a dearth of research on basic facets of Vietnamese social structure. Scholars remain all too indebted to Hickey's study of Khanh Hau, which, dealing with a single and in some ways unique Southern village, can hardly be taken as representative given the wide regional and class differences characteristic of Vietnamese society. Moving backwards through time, the central elements of social relations become increasingly difficult to examine. The reasons lie both in an inevitable emphasis on what can loosely be called political history (e.g., the effects of French colonial rule, the resistance against that rule, the administrative problems faced by the early Nguyễn dynasty, or the recurring issue of war—and peace—with China) and the increasing narrowness of the documents available for study (i.e., the inevitability of reliance on official documents such as dynastic histories and legal codes).

2020 ◽  
pp. 56-67
Author(s):  
Nikolay N. Dyakov ◽  

Muhammed b. Yusuf (1909–1961) — a key person in political history of Morocco in the middle of the 20th C. With his intronization in the beginning of the French colonial rule Muhammed b. Yusuf started in his biography a long and winding road from a puppet sultanate as an instrument of the French Protectorate, to the leadership in the liberation movement, becoming a symbol of nationalism and a father-founder of the independent Moroccan statehood restored in 1956.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Franklin

During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (03) ◽  
pp. 1850017
Author(s):  
Siham Matallah

Algeria strongly welcomed cooperation with China along with its search for an economic and political partner that respects Algeria’s sovereignty, ethnicity, religious, and cultural peculiarities, especially as Algeria suffered a bitter experience under the French colonial rule that deprived it of a window into global markets even after the achievement of independence, and China’s partnership seemed like an auspicious beginning for the Algerian economy. Indeed, China opened its arms to Algeria and became its largest trading partner, surpassing France that has traditionally been Algeria’s number one supplier. Both countries are committed to carrying forward their friendship in a spirit of equality and mutual respect, mutual trust, mutual benefit, and common gain. On the one hand, China attaches great importance to its bilateral relations with Algeria, which were raised to a comprehensive strategic partnership level in February 2014, and on the other hand, the Algerian government played a very important role in encouraging Chinese companies to invest in various fields, adding new depth to the Sino-Algerian relationship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ambrish Gautam ◽  

Status is a position provided to the person of the concern society based on societal norms, values and customary practices. It is further being divided into two parts, first one is the Ascribed status, and another is Achieved status. The ascribed status is assigned to a person by the group or society, whereas achieved status is earned by the individual through his/her personal attributes and is taken note of by the people in and around his/her location. It is also evident that in majority of the cases, the ascribed status always determines the nature and extent of the achieved status. The ascribed status of the Dalits contributes or hinders in the formation of their achieved status. It also includes their social interaction and social relations with non-Dalits in the exiting local level social structure. This status is being characterized and specified by the process of Sanskritization, social and religious reforms, and the constitutional provisions in the formation of achieved status of Dalits in their different strata of life. The social status is the convergent form of both the ascribed and achieved statuses of a person in each society or social structure. In every circumstance, one’s higher ascribed status always contributes positively to his or her higher achieved status. Conversely, lower the ascribed status, lower is the achieved status though this may be other way round in the exceptional case. Anyway, the symmetrical or linear relationship between the lower ascribed and achieved statuses gets more crystallized, if the person comes from a group which remains socially excluded forever. But due to the prospects of Independence, Education, Constitutional safeguards and Modernisation several kinds of changes occurred in the status of Dalit’s in the society. Through this paper, I have tried to identify the process of social status formation among Dalits in Jharkhand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ambrish Gautam ◽  

Status is a position provided to the person of the concern society based on societal norms, values and customary practices. It is further being divided into two parts, first one is the Ascribed status, and another is Achieved status. The ascribed status is assigned to a person by the group or society, whereas achieved status is earned by the individual through his/her personal attributes and is taken note of by the people in and around his/her location. It is also evident that in majority of the cases, the ascribed status always determines the nature and extent of the achieved status. The ascribed status of the Dalits contributes or hinders in the formation of their achieved status. It also includes their social interaction and social relations with non-Dalits in the exiting local level social structure. This status is being characterized and specified by the process of Sanskritization, social and religious reforms, and the constitutional provisions in the formation of achieved status of Dalits in their different strata of life. The social status is the convergent form of both the ascribed and achieved statuses of a person in each society or social structure. In every circumstance, one’s higher ascribed status always contributes positively to his or her higher achieved status. Conversely, lower the ascribed status, lower is the achieved status though this may be other way round in the exceptional case. Anyway, the symmetrical or linear relationship between the lower ascribed and achieved statuses gets more crystallized, if the person comes from a group which remains socially excluded forever. But due to the prospects of Independence, Education, Constitutional safeguards and Modernisation several kinds of changes occurred in the status of Dalit’s in the society. Through this paper, I have tried to identify the process of social status formation among Dalits in Jharkhand.


2020 ◽  
pp. 56-67
Author(s):  
David Cressy

This paper starts by describing Roger Schofield's work on the measurement of literacy, and especially his use of the proportion of brides and grooms who could sign the marriage register to quantify the extent of illiteracy among different sections of society. The paper then discusses other potential sources of data on illiteracy. Frequently these sources describe local social events, in which the politics of the parish intersect the history of the nation, and social, cultural, and political history come together. Work using these sources can expose some of the intangibles of ideology, religion, and morality to which literacy only gestures. Linking these records to other local sources may reveal how kinship, neighbourliness, or economic associations drove participation in ritual, cultural, and quasi-political activities. The final part of the paper illustrates this using an extended example of the response of the local population to the wreck of a ship off the coast of Dorset in 1641.


Author(s):  
David T. Buckley

How did Senegal arrive at the twin tolerations after independence from French colonial rule? This chapter the existence of benevolent secularism in Senegal’s post-World War II founding documents, and traces its impact on Senegal’s Muslim majority, Catholic minority, and secular elites. Evidence draws on communication between political and religious elites during the independence period, with special attention to communication between Léopold Sédar Senghor and Muslim and Catholic elites. The chapter closes with an examination of tensions in Senegal’s benevolent secularism manifested in the controversy over the Code de la Famille.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Medien

In September 1966, 10 years after Tunisia officially gained independence from French colonial rule, Michel Foucault took up a three-year secondment, teaching philosophy at the University of Tunis. This article offers an account of the time that Foucault spent in Tunisia, documenting his involvement in the anti-imperial, anti-authoritarian struggles that were taking place, and detailing his organizing against the carceral Tunisian state. Through this account, it is argued that Foucault’s entrance into political activism, and his associated work in developing a new analytic of power, was fundamentally motivated by his encounter with the neocolonial operatives of power that he witnessed and resisted while in Tunisia. In tracing the anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggles taking place concurrent to Foucault’s development of his analytic of power, albeit struggles that are shown to not take centre stage in his subsequent works, this article concludes by suggesting that taking seriously the scholar-activist archive presented may offer us a set of radical Foucauldian tools for resistance.


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