scholarly journals Settling the Citizen, Settling the Nomad: ‘Habitual offenders’, rebellion, and civic consciousness in western India, 1938–1952

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAKXINKUMAR BAJRANGE ◽  
SARAH GANDEE ◽  
WILLIAM GOULD
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Civic Responsibility ◽  
Western India ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Civic Consciousness ◽  
History Of ◽  
Surprising Finding ◽  
Freedom Fighter

AbstractThis article explores the politics of civic engagement during India's long decolonization between 1938 and 1952 for communities—the erstwhile ‘criminal tribes’—whose lifestyles were complicated by controls on their movement before and shortly following India's independence. It argues that their varied and contingent strategies of mobilization increasingly identified community particularities—notably, their marking as ‘criminals’ and a history of movement—as a basis for negotiating their problematic inclusion within the evolving citizenship frameworks of the late colonial, then post-colonial, state. These early forms of civic consciousness set the parameters for later strategies that sought to mobilize communities by engaging with ‘universal’, ‘differentiated’, and indigenized conceptions of civic responsibility and rights. The most surprising finding of this research is that these strategies (via anti-colonialism) often embraced and celebrated forms of illegality and criminality. The romanticism of the dacoit (bandit)-cum-freedom fighter charged Dhaku Sultan-like figures with political heroism. In the context of independence and the founding of the Constitution, strategies turned to the (un)realized promises of freedom and citizenship rights. The final part of the article turns to the implications of ‘denotification’ for the so-called criminal tribes in the early 1950s, which provided both obstacles and avenues to strategies of mobilization after independence.

scholarly journals PECULIARITIES OF FORMATION OF CIVIL ENGAGEMENT OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN QUARANTINE CONDITIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 595-610
Author(s):  
Oleksandra Shykyrynska ◽  
Vanda Vyshkivska ◽  
Vera Petliaieva ◽  
Olena Voichun ◽  
Olena Malinka
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
University Students ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
Digital Tools ◽  
Civic Responsibility ◽  
Social Motives ◽  
Civic Consciousness ◽  
Professional Activities ◽  
National University ◽  
Self Knowledge

The article defines the essence of the concept of “civic engagement of university students” and the process of formation of civic engagement of university students in quarantine conditions. The structure of civic engagement of university students is characterized. Criteria are substantiated and indicators of the formation of civic engagement of university students are defined: incentive criterion (sustainable social motives for achieving socially significant goals, the student’s achievement motive, value attitude to future professional activities); epistemological criterion (knowledge about public organizations and their activities, awareness of knowledge of civic responsibility, the presence of civic consciousness) behavioral (leadership ability, responsibility for own decisions, actions and team actions) creatively developing criterion (the presence of self-knowledge skills, the ability to introspection , self-esteem, self-criticism of the results of one's own socially useful activity). The substantive characteristic of such levels of formation of civic engagement of university students as: insufficient, initial, sufficient, high is given. The use of such digital tools is shown, which allows to form effectively the civic engagement of university students in quarantine conditions: a) the creation of an author's blog (to display information about: the national identity of the Ukrainian people (history, traditions, language, culture, etc.), planned for the future and already organized events by the student self-government were held, video and photo reports of the events) b) use of Google applications (Google meet - for conferences, meetings, online consultations; Google Drive, Google forms - for online questionnaires with the aim of : predicting the relevance of the event, it is planned, determining the effectiveness of the activities, identifying the psychological atmosphere in the team, identifying the socio-psychological characteristics of students, student awareness; Google photos; Google calendar; Google video). The results of an experimental study on the formation of civic engagement of university students, carried out during 2019 at V.O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University, are presented, which proves the practical importance of using such digital tools in quarantine conditions. 

scholarly journals Caste and its Histories in Colonial India: A reappraisal

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 432-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROSALIND O'HANLON
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Western India ◽  
Detailed Knowledge ◽  
Social Commentary ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Colonial Archive ◽  
Regional Histories

AbstractDavid Washbrook's influential early work on South India set the terms for much subsequent debate about caste, with its exploration of the key role of the colonial state in shaping caste ideologies and institutions. Over subsequent decades, historians and anthropologists have come increasingly to emphasise the ‘colonial construction’ of caste and its enduring legacies in post-colonial India. Yet there were also significant continuities linking the forms of colonial caste with much earlier regional histories of conflict and debate, whose legacies can be traced into the late colonial period. In particular, the juxtaposition between Brahman and non-Brahman itself was anticipated in a tradition of conservative social commentary that emerged in the Deccan Sultanate state of Ahmadnagar, and came to circulate widely through Banaras and western India during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This tradition of commentary acquired new salience during the nineteenth century. It entered the colonial archive as an authoritative source of knowledge, and also provoked early ‘non-Brahman’ intellectuals into a fresh engagement with its conservative social vision. In their attempts to rebut this vision, these intellectuals displayed a detailed knowledge of its social history and a deep familiarity with the judicial decisions through which it had been upheld in earlier centuries.

Rethinking sovereignty with reference to history and anthropology

2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Wachspress
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Case ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anthropological Literature

While legal practice and scholarship are driven by the use and understanding of complex legal terminology, there has been little effort to incorporate the humanistic scholarship of anthropologists and historians into theoretical or practical accounts of these words and their usages. This paper attempts to historicise and complicate a term that serves as a bridge or meeting point between the legal and the political; sovereignty has been conceptualised since the sixteenth century as both a framing device that produces unity within the state while establishing mutual equality within the interstate order, and as the capacity to make law without being subject to that law. Recent anthropological literature has challenged the personification implicit in political–theoretical definitions of sovereignty, arguing instead for a theory of sovereignty that can be applied to ‘complicated’, post-colonial contexts, where legal orders are plural or overlapping and the state is weak or non-existent. What such critiques cannot explain, however, is how the concept of the ‘sovereign state’ became so central to political discourse on a global scale. This paper draws upon legal historical case-studies concerned with the production of the colonial or post-colonial state or the deployment of ‘sovereignty’ as a justificatory concept in colonial settings. In doing so, this paper argues for understanding sovereignty both as a practice across time and space that organises legal institutions and as a justificatory strategy in the intellectual and social history of those institutions, an approach that allows scholars to draw upon the insights of political theorists, anthropologists and historians. While primarily intended to instigate a broader interdisciplinary conversation, this paper also suggests a preliminary conclusion: sovereignty has historically been deployed as a means of including that which cannot be considered the same, mediating the colonial tension between ‘otherness’ and legal homogeneity.

scholarly journals Emerging infrastructures: the politics of radium and the validation of radiotherapy in India’s first tertiary cancer hospital

BioSocieties ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Research ◽  
Health Priorities ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Tata Memorial Hospital ◽  
Cancer Hospital ◽  
History Of ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Business Family

AbstractThis article traces the history of India’s first tertiary cancer hospital, Tata Memorial Hospital (TMH). TMH was originally conceived in 1932 as a philanthropic project by the Tatas, an elite Parsi business family in Bombay. The founding of TMH represented a form of philanthro-capitalism which both enabled the Tatas to foster a communal acceptance for big businesses in Bombay and provide the Tatas with the opportunity to place stakes in the emerging nuclear research economy seen as essential to the scientific nationalist sentiment of the post-colonial state. In doing this, the everyday activities of TMH placed a heavy emphasis on nuclear research. In a time when radium for the treatment of cancer was still seen as ‘quackery’ in much of the world, the philanthro-capitalist investment and the interest in nuclear research by the post-colonial state provided an environment where radium medicine was able to be validated. The validation of radiotherapy at TMH influenced how other cancer hospitals in India developed and also provided significant resources for cancer research in early-mid twentieth century India. Ultimately, this article identifies ways in which cancer comes to be seen as relevant in the global south and raises questions on the relationship between local and global actors in setting health priorities.

scholarly journals Adivasis, Integration and the State in India: Experiences of Incompatibilities

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-121
Author(s):  
JAGANNATH AMBAGUDIA ◽  
◽  
SASMITA MOHANTY ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Integration Policy ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Integration Approach ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Sense Of Involvement ◽  
Mainstream Society ◽  
Equal Citizenship

Anthropologists, administrators and policy makers debated the adivasis question in the post-independent India from the perspectives of isolation, assimilation and integration. Amidst discourses, integration approach was followed to address the adivasi issues in the post-colonial period. Following the integration approach, the Indian state made series of promises to the adivasis in terms of granting equal citizenship rights in social, economic, political and cultural spheres; providing equal opportunities and committed to preserve and protect adivasi culture and identity. Despite such promises, adivasis continue to live at the margin of the post-colonial state, and thereby experiencing different forms of marginalization, dispossession and deprivation. They have developed cynicism towards the integration policy and experiencing declining sense of involvement in the (mainstream) society. The integration approach of the Indian state has become a means of exclusion for the adivasis in India. Within this backdrop, the paper critically examines the contemporary dynamics of integration of adivasis in the Indian state.

Seizing the Center

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš Petrů
Keyword(s):  
Primary Objective ◽  
New Order ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Early Modern Era ◽  
The Impact

This article intends to cast light on historical continuities between pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial organized violent crime in Indonesia and its connection to the country’s rulers. The core argument is that Indonesia and the polities which once existed in its territory have a long history of cooperation between the ruling elites and the criminal world. The early-modern era bandits, called jago, and the modern gangsters, known as preman, arguably represented an important pillar of the power of political regimes in Java from the pre-colonial Javanese kingdoms to the Netherlands East Indies’ colonial state to Soeharto’s New Order. In post-Soeharto Indonesia, political liberation combined with the impact of jihadist Islam(ism) has created conditions in which a number of leather-clad gangsters have turned into vigilante defenders of Islam, who are sometimes co-opted by influential interest groups and sometimes sent back to the political periphery after falling out of favor. While the primary objective of this paper is to analyze the issue of oscillation between incorporation, co-optation, and utilization of criminals and radical Islamic groupings by the powerful, on the one hand, and their elimination, on the other, the paper also looks into how Indonesian historiography has depicted these influential bandits/gangsters/vigilantes and how historiographical sources tend to legitimize them to create an authoritative nationalist narrative.

Order and Justice: National Minorities and the Right to Secession

1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Law ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

AbstractThe Versailles Treaty sought to protect minorities by giving them their own state. This practice, labelled 'self-determination' has changed guise considerably post World War II. Paramount to the emancipation of colonies, it came to be the concept that legitimated the 'rule of the people' over that of their colonial masters. However post-colonial 'self-determined' states are often manufactured entities forced into the strait-jacket of Westphalian statehood; and unlike the states that emanated from the Westphalian Treaty, were given no time to evolve by themselves. As a result these states often house disparate sets of minorities that go unrepresented within the Statist discourse. Further, these states have attempted to suppress their minorities through the various policies associated with nation-building. Today, with secession an increasingly attainable form of self-determination, the question arises as to whether these minorities have a right to form a separate state. The international law of self-determination suggests that this is a right of all peoples. It however leaves the parameters of this 'peoplehood' undefined. This paper seeks to examine the discourse of minority rights within that of the international right to self determination. It seeks to trace the history of minority rights protection, and to examine the way in which minority rights are protected within current international law. In addition, it examines the parameters of peoplehood and concludes by looking at two cases where disaffected minorities in a post-colonial state sought to form their own state.

scholarly journals The Ghetto President and Presidential Challenger in Uganda

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Garhe Osiebe
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Student Participant ◽  
History Of ◽  
Age Limit

The political history of post-colonial Uganda is about as fascinating as that of any post-colonial state. The styles of key political figures, including Milton Obote and Idi Amin Dada, who have had the privilege of leading the country, are central to this fascination. Yet, since becoming Uganda’s leader in 1986, President Yoweri Museveni appears to have outdone his predecessors so much so that an entire generation cares little of the country’s history before Museveni. In 2021, the Ugandan people are scheduled to go to the polls in a presidential election. Following the success of a bill in parliament to expunge an upper age limit to contest for the office of president, the seventy-five -year-old Museveni is set to seek an additional mandate. Unlike in his previous electoral contests, however, Museveni faces the challenge of a man less than half his age. Thirty-seven year-old Robert Kyagulanyi is among the most successful popular musicians in East Africa. Kyagulanyi has since exploited his success and fame to become an elected Member of Uganda’s Parliament. Barely two years after the artist materialised as a politician, the Ghetto President, as he is popularly known, has declared his intention to run for the office Museveni occupies, against Museveni. Since Museveni permitted electoral contests for the presidency of Uganda, he has remained defiantly invincible. How does Kyagulanyi propose to undo this, and why does he think he can, to the extent of daring? Drawing on a socio-biographical analysis of the celebrity MP, some strategic interviewing and student-participant observation, the article engages the dynamics inherent with some of these issues.

The History of the Baga in Early Written Sources

1997 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 381-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
P.E.H. Hair
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Past History ◽  
Oral Traditions ◽  
Language Group ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Written Sources

The extent of secure knowledge of the past of the groups of people known in scholarly literature as Baga is inconsiderable. This is in part because of the limited European interest in past times in the Baga homeland (on the coast of the post-colonial state of Guinée), and also in part because of limited scholarly investigations in recent times (the post-colonial state did not help by for long exiling or barring from access non-Marxist scholars).Ethnographic and linguistic investigations have been undertaken only since the mid-nineteenth century and still amount to very little, with even less in print. Archeological investigations have yet to begin, apart from the brave attempt of Fred Lamp to date certain artefacts stylistically. As a result, in the 1990s the connotation and exact range of application of the term “Baga” remain unclear and the precise linguistic relationship of “the Baga language” with those neighboring languages that appear to form a language group is known only in outline. What this means that it is impossible to sum up the earlier history of the Baga briefly. The reader who continues and bravely tackles the listing and discussion of sources that follows will, however, be able to assess how much of the history can be securely reconstructed.It is understandable that the desire to construct a history for the Baga has latterly turned on the interpretation of oral traditions. Such traditions now preferred by the Baga—or at least by certain sections, strata, or individuals—are patently of great interest to the anthropologist inasmuch as they depict what the present-day Baga, or some of them, wish to see as their past history and thus throw light on contemporary ideology and popular mindsets.

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