Apocalyptic Antinomies in Paul's Letter to the Galatians

1985 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Louis Martyn
Keyword(s):  

At several junctures in the history of its interpretation Paul's letter to the Galatians has been seen as the embarrassing member of the Pauline letter-family, the one refusing to be brought into line with the others, and even, in some regards, the one threatening the unity and good-natured comradery of the family. Luther, to be sure, called on the familial image in an entirely positive sense, when he confessed himself to be happily betrothed to the letter. Others have considered that betrothal the prelude to an unfortunate marriage, in which Luther was led astray, or led further astray, by this intractable and regrettable letter.

Artifex Novus ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 58-75
Author(s):  
Anna Sylwia Czyż

ABSTRAKT Sprowadzone do Wilna między 1616 a 1618 r. benedyktynki utworzyły niewielką i skromnie uposażoną wspólnotę. Ich sytuacja zmieniła się w 1692 r., kiedy to dzięki bogatym zapisom Feliksa Jana Paca mogły wystawić murowany kościół konsekrowany w 1703 r. Hojność podkomorzego litewskiego nie była przypadkowa, bowiem do wileńskich benedyktynek wstąpiły jego córki Sybilla i Anna, jedyne potomstwo jakie po sobiepozostawił. Z nich szczególne znaczenie dla dziejów klasztoru miała Sybilla (Magdalena) Pacówna, która w 1704 r. została wybrana ksienią. Nie tylko odnowiła ona życie wspólnoty, ale stała się również jedną z najważniejszych postaci ówczesnego Wilna. Po pożarze w 1737 r. Sybilla Pacówna energicznie przystąpiła do odbudowy klasztoru i kościoła, którą kończyła już jej następczyni Joanna Rejtanówna. Wzniesioną wówczas według projektu Jana Krzysztofa Glaubitza fasadę ozdobiono stiukowo-metalową dekoracją o indywidualnie zaplanowanym programie ideowym odwołującym się i do tradycji zakonnej i rodowej – pacowskiej. W fasadzie wyeksponowano ideały związane z życiem benedyktyńskim sytuując je wśród aluzji o konieczności walki na płaszczyźnie ducha i ciała, włączając w militarną symbolikę także konieczność walki z wrogami Kościoła i ojczyzny oraz charakterystyczną dla duchowości benedyktyńskiej pobożność związaną z krzyżem w typie karawaka oraz zOpatrznością Bożą. Jednocześnie przypominano o bogactwie powołań w klasztorze benedyktynek wileńskich przyrównując mniszki do lilii. Porównanie to dzięki obecności w fasadzie herbu Gozdawa (podwójna lilia) oraz powszechnego w XVII i XVIII w. zwyczaju określania Paców „Liliatami” można było odnosić także do ich rodu, w tym do zasłużonej dla klasztoru ksieni Sybilli. Tak mocne wyeksponowanie fundatorów było nie tylko chęciąupamiętnia darczyńców, ale wraz z całym architektonicznym i plastycznym wystrojem świątyni wiązało się z koniecznością stworzenia przeciwwagi dla nowego i prężnie rozwijającego się pod patronatem elity litewskiej klasztoru Wwizytek w Wilnie. Przy tym charakter dekoracji fasady kościoła pw. św. Katarzyny wpisuje się w inne fundacje Paców: kościół pw. św. Teresy i kościół pw. śś. Piotra i Pawła będąc ostatnią ważną inicjatywą artystyczną rodu w stolicy Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. SUMMARY The Benedictines, who had been brought to Vilnius between 1616 and 1618, formed a small and modest community. Thanks to the generous legacy of Feliks Jan Pac, in 1692 their situation changed as they could erect a brick church, which was then consecrated in 1703. The generosity of the Lithuanian chamberlain was not a coincidence; his two daughters, Sybilla and Anna, the only offspring he left, had joined the Benedictine Sisters in Vilnius. Sybilla (Magdalena) Pac, who became an abbess in 1704, was particularly important for the history of the monastery. Not only did she renew the community life, but she also became one of the most important personalities of the then Vilnius. After the fire in 1737 Sybilla Pac vigorously started rebuilding the monastery and the church, which was completed by her successor, Joanna Rejtan. The facade which was then erected after Johann Christoph Glaubitz’s design was adorned with stucco and metal decorations with a perfectly devised ideological programme which referred to the tradition of the order and to the one of the Pac family. The facade presented ideals connected with the Benedictine life, which placed them among the hints of having to fight at the level of spirit and body, incorporating among the military symbols also the need to fight the enemies of the Church and the state, and the typical for the Benedictine spirituality piety connected with the Caravaca cross and the Divine Providence. At the same time, it reminded of the Benedictine vocations comparing nuns to lilies. This comparison, due to the presence of the Gozdawa coat-of-arms (double lilie) and the common nickname of the Pac family in the 17th and 18th cc. “the Liliats”, could also apply to their lineage, including the abbess Sybilla and her services to the monastery. Exposing founders in such an emphatic way was not only the will to immortalise them, but was also, together with the entire architectural and artistic decor of the church, connected with the need to counterbalance the new and dynamicallydeveloping Visitation Monastery in Vilnius. At the same time, the nature of the facade decoration of the Church of St. Catherine is in line with other foundations of the Pac family: St Theresa’s Church and the St Peter and St Paul Church, and was the last significant artistic initiative of the family in thecapital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 329-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred C. Gingrich

The assessment of missionaries tends to focus on the adult members of the family unit being approved for service. Yet, the family is the one consistent relational network that missionaries are connected to throughout the pre-field, on the field, and post-field phases of mission service. In addition, throughout the history of missions sending bodies have struggled to balance the needs of the missions context, the ministry gifts that the adult members of the family bring to the field, and the dynamics of their marital and family relationships. While the literature on missionary children has grown significantly, adopting a perspective that prioritizes the family unit as the unit being “sent” may result in helpful information regarding missionary attrition and longevity. Therefore, assessing missionary families, not only the individual members of the family, at the various stages of missionary service is warranted. Using concepts and techniques from systems theory, a model and logistical factors for assessing missionary families are presented, along with suggestions for whom to assess, what to assess, and how to conduct family assessment. Resources and possible assessment techniques are also provided.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 56-59
Author(s):  
I. V. Oktyabrskaya ◽  
◽  
Z. M. Chirkina ◽  

The Anastasia movement (“Ringing Cedars of Russia”, the Anastasians) was born in Russia in the mid-1990s under the influence of the publication of V. Megre’s works. It developed from reading clubs and festivals to big projects of family estates and the form of political party. In the Altai region (Altai krai) we can registrate 12 settlements at different stages of formation. In religious studies, the anastasians are considered as the one of the new religious movements that is based on the ideology and practices related to Slavic neo-paganism. In Russian Ethnology/anthropology there are attempts to characterize the Anastasians in terms of subculture, as a community with a complex identity that includes a quasi-ethnic plane. Their culture is based on the natural peasant economy. The main concept of self-organization is the idea of family estates.


1919 ◽  
Vol 44 (299) ◽  
pp. 439-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. B. Guppy

SUMMARY From a consideration of the problems of plant-distribution, the writer is led to regard the history of the Angiosperms as resolving itself into two principal eras:— The era that witnessed the rise of the great families, a period of relatively uniform conditions.The era that witnessed the differentiation of these family types in response to the differentiation of the climatic and other conditions. It is argued that conclusions drawn from the prevailing influences now in operation could only be applied to the differentiation of the ancient family types–that is to say, to the second era in plant-history. It is not possible, so it is held, to apply a theory based on the present to an age of other things, other ways, and other conditions. Only the hypothesis that finds its guide to the past in the abnormalities of the present can be of service to us in the interpretation of times so different. The subject is introduced by a reference to two papers, contributed to the ‘Journal of the Linnean Society,’ which have an important bearing on the subject, the one by Bentham on the Compositæ, the other by Huxley on the Gentians. Then follows a statement of the differentiation hypothesis which involves the differentiation of primitive world-ranging types in response to the progressive differentiation of their originally uniform conditions. Allusion is then made to the dilemma into which all theorists fall when they come to handle the larger groups, the very persistence of which in our own age depends on the stability of their essential characters. If stable now, why so unstable then? We are thus forced to the conclusion that in the distant era that witnessed the deployment of the Angiosperms instability prevailed. It was an age of mutations, free and unchecked, and an age of uniformity of conditions, the mutability decreasing and the modifications becoming more and more fixed with progressive differentiation of conditions, an explanation suggested by a perusal of the accounts by Dr. Willis of his prolonged investigation on the Podostemaceæ. The distribution of families is then treated statistically; and it is shown that whilst they largely ignore the cleavage of the land into two great masses diverging from the north, they respond in a marked degree to the differentiation of the climatic zones. Behind their disregard for the present arrangement of continents and oceans lies the story of the first era, and behind their ready response to climatic differentiation lies the story of the second era. In the circumstance that the response made to the bi-cleavage of the land-mass is absent or small with the larger groups and becomes greater and greater as we go down the differentiating scale until it attains its maximum in the species, is recognised the contrast of conditions between the pre-differentiation era and the era when differentiation reigned supreme. It is held that there is a method here disclosed that could only arise by the family differentiating into the tribes, the tribe into the genera, and the genus into the species, since the opposite method of commencing with the species would produce chaos. The paper ends with the application of the statistical treatment to the larger groups behind the families, and it is shown that whilst the Dicotyledons display a much greater tendency to detachment from the tropics than the Monocotyledons, the Sympetalæ stand foremost in this respect amongst all the groups of the Dicotyledons. It may be added that there is a large amount of material in the ten tables which from considerations of space could not be discussed. These data have therefore to tell their own story


1971 ◽  
Vol 103 (11) ◽  
pp. 1557-1590 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. E. Lindquist ◽  
P. H. Vercammen-Grandjean

AbstractThe trombidiid subfamily Neotrombidiinae Feider is re-established and redefined, based primarily on larval characters but also on adult characters. It is closely related to the trombidiid Trombellinae on the one hand and to the Leeuwenhoekidae on the other. It consists of two genera, namely Monunguis Wharton, which is monobasic and known only from the larva, and Neotrombidium Leonardi, with 13 described species of which 7 are known from the larva and 8 from the adult (the larva and adult of 2 species are correlated by rearings).The history of the family-level placement of this group, and the controversy over whether or not to recognize two genera, are reviewed. The characters that justify the separate recognition of Monunguis and Neotrombidium are enumerated.The larva of each of the following species of Neotrombidiinae is described, illustrated and keyed: Monunguis streblida Wharton from the Caribbean area, Neotrombidium barringunense Hirst from Australia, N. tricuspidum Borland from North America, N. tenuipes (Womersley) from Malaya, N. samsinaki (Daniel) new combination from central Europe, N. anuroporum new species from Central America, N. bengalense new species from India, and N. tenebrione new species from eastern North America. Six other species of this group, known only from the adult, are listed separately but are not treated taxonomically here.The larvae of Neotrombidiinae parasitize adult insects: those of Monunguis are hyperparasites on streblid flies whereas those of Neotrombidium are ectoparasites of cerambycid, clerid, elaterid, and tenebrionid beetles that pass part of their life history under the bark of trees.In the Microtrombidiinae, Camerotrombidium Thor is noted as the valid replacement name for the preoccupied Ottonia Kramer.


The details of biography and scientific works of Boris Valkh (1876–1942), one of the leading zoologists who worked in eastern Ukraine in the first half of the 20th century, were analysed. Boris Valkh worked at the interface of zoology, plant protection, and epidemiology and he was a leading specialist in controlling the abundance of economically important groups of rodents and insects (plant protection stations) and an epidemiologist (studying zoonoses). At the same time, he was a nature protector, one of the key organizers of nature reserves in the southeast of Ukraine (Kamiani Mohyly, Bilosaraiska Kosa). The main attention in this review is paid to Valkh's research into zoology (ornithology, entomology, and theriology), and his work upon creation of zoological collections, including the one in the Bakhmut Museum of Local Lore, which was organized with his participation. All of these developments made by the scientist are considered along with details of his biography analysed using family archives and by conversations with Valkh’s descendents, including his grandson Boris Valkh, granddaughter Olympiada Gryshchenko, and great-grandson Sergei Valkh. Significant clarifications and important additions to the biography of Boris Valkh have been made, in particular regarding his education (once in Pavlohrad Gymnasium and twice in Kharkiv University), wife and children, as well as his long-term trips to Turkestan and Azerbaijan. The location of "Hory-Mohyly hamlet", from which most of the zoological samples collected by the Valkhs are derived, is clarified and determined as the same place that was marked on ancient maps as "Horemohylove" The history of the species Mus sergii described by Boris Valkh and its type locality were analysed. The information about the history of accumulation and further fate of his and his son Sergey’s zoological collections including mammal specimens from Hory-Mohyly is summarized. Unique original photographs from the family archives have been used, for most of which the dates and places of taking were determined. Pictures of collections and original zoological labels are also presented.


2019 ◽  
pp. 103-112
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Ewa Kowalczyk

Stanisław Mikołaj, son of Agnieszka, nee Izbicki, and Stanisław Treter, the king’s chamberlain, was born on 19th November 1776. When he was seven years old it turned out that his mother was mentally ill, most probably suffering from schizophrenia. In the 18th century mental and nervous disorders were very rare, and foreigners visiting Poland even thought they were characteristic of Poles. Certainly, mental disease in a family does not only affect the one who actually suffers from it, it has an impact on each family member and somehow everyone is involved. Agnieszka’s psychosis started with aggressive behaviour towards her family, and especially her son. She would destroy things which either belonged to him or were in some way related to him, she would scream at him, physically and mentally harass him. His father would usually buy the things the boy needed most, such as underwear, clothes and shoes, in well-kept secret. Agnieszka categorically opposed this and even “became stubborn and restless which influenced the atmosphere in this home”. Because of his mother’s disease and its influence on the atmosphere in the family, the boy often felt anxiety and fear, and sometimes even annoyance and despair. In November 1786 Stanisław Treter decided that it would be better if his wife stayed in Warsaw for a while. The atmosphere at home was becoming worse and worse, and their ten-year-old son required systematic and extensive education, while Agnieszka herself needed “professional” care. In the 18th century people who suffered from mental diseases would usually live with their families and be provided with good care and a kind of particular respect, unless they were dangerous to others. However, Agnieszka was completely unpredictable. Her irrepressible aggression was understood by her son as a lack of love and acceptance. He often felt lost and very lonely. His mother’s mental disease did not create supportive conditions for the development of the child’s emotions and mentality. Certainly, like any other child he loved his “Mummy” very much, so parting with her was a very difficult experience for the boy. Disharmony in the Treter family, which was the consequence of Agnieszka’s disease, developed in Stanisław Mikołaj patterns of instability, hostility and neglect. Thus it is not surprising that he became oversensitive, egoistic, combative and aggressive. We learn about Stanisław Mikołaj Treter’s difficult childhood from his father’s notes. In 1785 he decided to write a history of his son’s life and education, and it took him four years to write in 13 letters which are now kept in the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in Lvov.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Syahru Ramadan

This paper is titled "The Phenomenon of Uang Panai’ in Wedding Bugis Makassar (a Perspective of Culture and Religion)". This paper aims to present an overview of the culture of uang panai’ in wedding Bugis Makassar. It departs from a few mistakes during this among the general public about the culture of uang panai’. Through this writing these views will be straightened so as to produce a correct understanding of the essence of the culture of uang panai’. The few things that are described in this paper, among other things: first, the early history of the culture of uang panai’ in Bugis Makassar; second, a myth in the ceremony uang panai’ Bugis-Makassar; Third, the value contained in uang panai’; Fourth, the Islamic view marriage about uang panai’ in Bugis Makassar; and fifth, difference in essence uang panai’ past and present (criticism of panai’ phenomenon). In Indonesia, especially those in Bugis-Makassar, besides setting up a dowry, the groom must prepare money ride (panai') before deciding to get married. Uang panai’ is not counted as a marriage dowry but as indigenous money agreed upon by both partie or family. The tradition of panai’ does not apply to marriages between men and women Bugis Makassar with nonBugis Makassar, Bugis Makassar men will follow the tradition of the family of the woman who was going to marry. However, this culture is generally maintained when women Bugis Makassar in applying for a male nonBugis Makassar. This occurs because the wedding traditions Bugis Makassar woman is the one who picked up so that the customs used on the sides of her family. Culture siri' in this case Indeed a noble culture conceptually and philosophically. In fact, siri' is still recognized as one of the cultural values that influence the personality of the Bugis Makassar. Value siri' in the form of shame or dignity as a basis to act Bugis Makassar in life. Two of the content value in the concept of the siri’ value is embarrassed and the value of self esteem (dignity). When the aspect shame dominating personality, the aspect of self esteem should be offset, when the aspect of self esteem tend to arrogance, then the aspect of shame and humility should return the gesture self esteem to a balanced budget position, like the two chemical components are soluble compounding, then both the cultural values in question was not merely coexist but both converge and merge in symbiosis in siri'. By understanding the meaning of siri 'and pacce', there are positive things that can be taken as the concept of the formation of national law, which in this philosophy of how the respect for human values to be fair to myself and to others how to live with due regard to the interests of others.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renaud Barbaras

AbstractThe course on nature coincides with the re-working of Merleau-Ponty's breakthrough towards an ontology and therefore plays a primordial role. The appearance of an interrogation of nature is inscribed in the movement of thought that comes after the Phenomenology of Perception. What is at issue is to show that the ontological mode of the perceived object - not the unity of a positive sense but the unity of a style that shows through in filigree in the sensible aspects - has a universal meaning, that the description of the perceived world can give way to a philosophy of perception and therefore to a theory of truth. The analysis of linguistic expression to which the philosophy of perception leads opens out onto a definition of meaning as institution, understood as what inaugurates an open series of expressive appropriations. It is this theory of institution that turns the analysis of the perceived in the direction of a reflection on nature: the perceived is no longer the originary in its difference from the derived but the natural in its difference from the instituted. Nature is the "non-constructed, non-instituted," and thereby, the source of expression: "nature is what has a sense without this sense having been posited by thought." The first part of the course, which consists in a historical overview, must not be considered as a mere introduction. In fact, the problem of nature is brought out into the open by means of the history of Western metaphysics, in which Descartes is the emblematic figure. The problem consists in the duality - at once unsatisfactory and unsurpassable - between two approaches to nature: the one which accentuates its determinability and therefore its transparency to the understanding; the other which emphasizes the irreducible facticity of nature and tends therefore to valorize the view-point of the senses. To conceive nature is to constitute a concept of it that allows us to "take possession" of this duality, that is, to found the duality. The second part of the course attempts to develop this concept of nature by drawing upon the results of contemporary science. Thus a philosophy of nature is sketched that can be summarized in four propositions: 1) the totality is no less real than the parts; 2) there is a reality of the negative and therefore no alternative between being and nothingmess; 3) a natural event is not assigned to a unique spatio-temporal localization; and 4) there is generality only as generativity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (13) ◽  
pp. 100-121
Author(s):  
Amani Lusekelo ◽  
Victor Mtenga

The history of African societies, which are mostly oral, could be deciphered through onomastics. This is possible because naming practices, which are elaborate, and personal names, which are meaningful, are cherished in African communities. In most cases, the circumstances at birth, which split into several strands, dictate the choice of the name by the name-givers. Naming practice is an elaborate phenomenon amongst the Rombo-Chagga people of Kilimanjaro in Tanzania on two grounds. On the one hand, clan names are associated with Chagga calendar and socio-economic activities, e.g. Mkenda „born during unlucky days‟. On the other hand, home-names reveal circumstances at birth and historical events within the family and beyond, e.g. Ndekir‟yo„I am cured‟. In addition, amongst the Bantu speaking communities in Sub-Saharan Africa, naming practices have been influenced by Christianization, Islamicization and colonization. The personal names of the Rombo-Chagga people reveal the strands of religious (formal) names and foreign (English or Kiswahili) names, e.g. Barakaeli „God-bless‟.Keywords: Ethnohistory, Personal names, Language-in-contact, Rombo-Chagga, Tanzania


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