From Scotia to ‘Operation Tabarin’: developing British policy for Antarctica

Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 342-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Dudeney ◽  
David W.H. Walton

ABSTRACTThe roots of a British Antarctic policy can be traced, paradoxically, back to the establishment of a meteorological station by the Scottish Antarctic Expedition in the South Orkneys, in 1903, and the indifference of the British Government to its almost immediate transfer to the Argentine Government. It was from that modest physical presence upon Laurie Island that Argentina came increasingly to challenge British claims to the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands Dependencies (FID), first in the late 1920s and then more extensively in the second world war. This challenge shaped British policy for the next forty years, with further complications caused by overlapping territorial claims made by Chile and the possible territorial ambitions of the USA. Britain's eventual response, at the height of World War II, was to establish permanent occupation of Antarctica from the southern summer of 1943–1944. This occupation was given the military codename Operation Tabarin. However, it was never a military operation as such, although monitoring the activities of enemy surface raiders and submarines provided a convenient cover story, as did scientific research once the operation became public. Whilst successive parties, rich in professional scientists, considerably expanded the pre-war survey and research of the Discovery Investigations Committee, their physical occupancy of the Antarctic islands and Peninsula was essentially a political statement, whereby the Admiralty and Colonial Office (CO) strove to protect British territorial rights, whilst the Foreign Office (FO) endeavoured to minimise disruption to Britain's long-standing economic and cultural ties with Argentina, and most critically, the shipment of war-time meat supplies. In meeting that immediate need, Tabarin also provided the basis from which Britain's subsequent post-war leadership in Antarctic affairs developed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


Author(s):  
Sabine Lee

This chapter explores the relationship between soldiers and local women in various theatres of war during World War II, tracing in particular nationalistic and racial undercurrents in the development of national policies vis-à-vis,military-civilian relations. It traces in particular Nazi policies in both East and West with view to eugenics, as well as Allied policies in preparing for and implementing post-war occupations in Germany and Austria, including guidance for soldiers on relations with the (former) enemy. The final part of the chapter gives a voice to children born of war themselves. Using a variety of sources ranging from ego-documents including autobiographies and memoirs as well as interviews and narratives as well as contemporary media reports, it analyses the CBOW reflections on their lifecourses.


2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-241
Author(s):  
Michael A. Hennessy

Abstract Twice before the Second World War the Canadian merchant marine had collapsed in the face of competing conceptions of empire and commercial interest. Though once home to a thriving merchant fleet, the passing of the age of sail marked Canada's decline as a maritime nation. Most of the surviving merchant fleet sailed under British registry, employing British crews and officers. During the Second World War, Canada rebuilt its merchant marine. As the war drew to a close, the state, labour and enterprise supported the framing of a Canadian maritime policy to preserve the merchant shipping capacity developed during the war. The fleet's ambiguous origins, conflicting national trade policy, the absence of a laissez-faire international shipping market, the rise of cold-war tensions and the very peculiar problems of trade to the sterling bloc savaged post-war efforts to maintain the fleet. The timing and nature of the collapse were particularly Canadian. Barriers to currency convertibility, carriage restrictions, and high labour and production costs, proved formidable obstacles which representatives of the Canadian state were very largely powerless to overcome. In combination, these elements, rather than some invisible hand, explain why Canadian ship owners led the way in abandoning their national flag and why the state helped them. Sole attribution for the death of the merchant marine should no longer fall to unfavourable labour costs or union activism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Sabine Buchwald

The basis of the scientific investigation are 83 military letters and postcards, a diary, and Franz Buchwald’s memories of World War II. The classification of military letters and other sources constitutes the scientific significance of these documents. The survey questions the culturally and socially political acts as well as intertextual and trans-textual procedures. Understanding of literature as the subject of a culturally scientific survey is a priority, as well as its influence on the emergence of military letters. The clarification of the cultural memory of Franz Buchwald, a soldier of the Wehrmacht [high forces], serves as an indicator for the preservation of moral principles and values during the war, but also as one for the discords that arose in this context. A key issue is the importance of the educational conditions of growing up during the war. Relevant topics are education, the church, and the literary canon. Examples from the military letters sketch the establishment of the national language in terms of theology, and address the issue of nationality and identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
R.R. Marchenkov ◽  

This article highlights the main milestones of Anglo-American coalition cooperation during the Second World War. The military-political aspect of cooperation is touched upon. An approach to the fusion of military mechanisms through the development of the idea of the qualitative use of the forces and means of the allies in compliance with the principle of unity of command is considered. It is concluded that certain fruits of cooperation between the Western allies, primarily within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, are taken into account in the post-war world. In addition, this article focuses on the position of the United Kingdom in terms of building a post-war security system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Peter Soland

This paper explores the development of Mexican commercial aviation (and more specifically the trajectory of Compañía Mexicana de Aviación) against the background of Mexico’s Second World War alliance with the USA and its post-war economic expansion. USA foreign aid allowed Mexican president Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–46) to further develop the country’s aviation network and personnel. The Second World War’s disruption of tourism allowed Mexico to reap the benefits of a rapidly growing vacation industry. The election of Miguel Aléman in 1946 reinforced commercial aviation and tourism as crucial, co-dependent elements in modernising the country and making Compañía Mexicana de Aviación a symbol of national progress. Although the Second World War emerges as a crucial point in the development of Mexican aviation, the same processes that buoyed commercial airlines also reinforced cultural stereotypes that were exploited for USA tourists and masked reckless financial decisions that nearly bankrupted Compañía Mexicana de Aviación’s in late 1950s.


Author(s):  
Konstantin G. Malikhin ◽  
Oleg V. Schekatunov

The article is devoted to the assessment of the results of the Bolshevik modernization of Russia in the 20-30s of the 20th century in its military-technological, personnel and political aspects on the example of the struggle of Soviet Russia with Nazi Germany in the first years of World War II and the Great Patriotic War. The relevance of the topic is due to the contradictions in the assessments of the Bolshevik transformations of the 20-30s. In historiography and in the public mind, disputes about the role of these transformations for victory in the Second World War and WWII are not abating. This is especially true of the first years of the Second World War, which led the USSR to disaster. This problem was analyzed by an outstanding theoretician, leader of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and a figure of the Russian intellectual emigration V.M. Chernov. As historical sources, the article considers a number of such interesting documents as the letter of V.M. Chernov to I. V. Stalin in 1942 and issues of the emigre magazine “For Freedom!ˮ published in the USA. Using these sources as an example, the position of V.M. Chernov on the successes and failures of the Bolshevik reform of Russia and the related victories and defeats of the Red Army in the early years of the War. It is proved that the failures of the USSR in the first years of the War were the result of a number of political and personnel problems, some of which were caused by the accelerated "assault" nature of the Bolshevik modernization of the 1920s and 1930s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 45-50
Author(s):  
Aygul Raimova ◽  

The article examines the state of science and education in Uzbekistan in the post-war period. The issues of opening new higher educational institutions, building schools and training personnel are investigated. The article analyzes the achievements of science, the exit of scientists of Uzbekistan into the international arena, achievements in the field of natural and humanitarian areas of science. In general, the article considers the attempts to reform the education system after the end of the Second World War, the difficulties associated with them, their positive and negative consequences, as well as the impact of education on the spiritual and cultural life of the country.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-84
Author(s):  
Susan Corbesero

AbstractDuring the troublous post-war and post-Soviet periods, the iconography of Stalin has served as a powerful interpreter of the past. Since World War II, portraits and attendant mass reproductions of the notorious Soviet leader have conveyed a historical memory that fused the triumphalist mythology of the Second World War and the cult of Stalin. Appropriated for political, national, nostalgic and commercial purposes, these iconic vehicles have functioned as integral “vectors of memory” in times of political change. In that vein, this article traces the remarkably dynamic and influential life of Aleksandr Laktionov's Portrait of I. V. Stalin (1949) in order to illuminate how its meaning and use, past and present, reflects and refracts the political landscape that deploys it.


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