Irish Stage Censorship in the 1950s

2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-164
Author(s):  
Joan FitzPatrick Dean
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Traditional Music ◽  
Folk Dance ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
Irish Music ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

At the end of the 1940s, individuals and groups, as well as the government in Ireland, recognized the need for and benefits of arts enterprises. The Inter-Party coalition, which came to power in early 1948 (under John Costello), recognized the importance of tourism as an industry and the potential of theatre to attract foreign visitors to Ireland. In 1949, the Cultural Relations Committee of Ireland, operating under the auspices of the Minister for External Affairs, undertook production of a series of pamphlets designed “to give a broad, vivid, and informed survey of Irish life and culture.”1 In 1951, the Republic of Ireland established the Arts Council; the first National Fleadh (Festival) for traditional music was held in Mullingar; Liam Miller founded the Dolmen Press; and Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann (Traditional Irish Music Advisory) was established. Even after the 1951 election returned de Valera and Fianna Fáil to power, organizational infrastructures to support the arts continued to appear: the Irish tourist board (Bord Failte) and Gael-Linn (an organization to promote Irish language, literature, and culture) both debuted in 1952. Cork held its first International Choral and Folk Dance Festival and its first International Film Festival in 1953. Some of these developments may have anticipated the imminent inauguration of regular air passenger service to North America, but all responded to cultural opportunities precluded during what Ireland knows as the Emergency and other nations as World War II. These agencies and events all sought to project a positive, progressive image of Ireland. Most important, they all mark a departure from the isolationism that prevailed in Ireland before and during the Emergency and that characterized de Valera's tenure as Taoiseach in the 1930s and 1940s.

Montenegro

2019 ◽  
pp. 273-290
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Private Property ◽  
World War ◽  
Current Form ◽  
Jewish Refugees ◽  
Communal Property ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Property Restitution

Yugoslavia (which included present-day Montenegro) was invaded by the Axis powers in 1941 and immovable property was confiscated. Only an estimated 30 Jews lived in Montenegro prior to World War II. During the war, Montenegro received Jewish refugees from neighboring Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. After the war, Yugoslavia enacted a property restitution law, but it was short-lived. As Yugoslavia fell under Communist rule, widespread nationalization—which this time occurred irrespective of race, religion, or ethnicity—resulted in a second wave of property confiscations. The Republic of Montenegro in its current form came into existence in 2006. Restitution in Montenegro began in earnest in the 2000s, after nearly 50 years of Communist rule. During this period, Montenegro passed two property restitution laws, which chiefly addressed the issue of private property restitution. The most recent property restitution law included language that a separate law would be enacted to address communal property restitution. To date, no such law has been passed, but the government has stated that its deadline to adopt the law is the end of 2018. No provisions for heirless property have been made. Montenegro endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.

Relocation of people between Poland and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic in the years 1944-1946 in the light of czechoslovack military sources

2017 ◽  
pp. 173-181
Author(s):  
Bohdan Halczak
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Republic ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Soviet Socialist Republic ◽  
Security Services ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

In the result of the shift of borders, occurring after World War II, the Republic of Poland lost its south-eastern provinces in favour of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkSSR). Nevertheless, a significant Ukrainian minority, estimated between 500 and 700 thousand, remained within the borders of Poland. In addition, a significant number of Poles remained on the Soviet side. On September 9th, 1944, Polish communist government and the government of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic concluded an agreement on the relocation of people.Officially,the relocation was supposed to be voluntary. In September 1945 the Polish army, against the provisions of the agreement of September 9th, 1944, started forced displacement of the Ukrainian population to UkSSR. The dislocation of the Ukrainian population to the USSR lasted till the late 1946’s. Throughout 1944-1946, 488,057people were dislocated from Poland to Ukraine. At the same time 787,674people moved from Ukraine to Poland. In order to avoid dislocation to the Soviet Ukraine, some Ukrainians moved to the Carpathian Mountains, and sought refuge in Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovak army and security services caught refugees and deported them back to Poland. Keywords: Poland, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, the relocation of people, Czechoslovakia

scholarly journals Inventory of Forts in Indonesia

2015 ◽  
Vol II-5/W3 ◽  
pp. 263-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Rinandi ◽  
F. Suryaningsih
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Region Of Interest ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
National Program ◽  
World War ◽  
Interesting Part ◽  
The World ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The great archipelago in Indonesia with its wealthy and various nature, the products and commodities of tropic agriculture and the rich soil, was through the centuries a region of interest for other countries all over the world. For several reasons some of these countries came to Indonesia to establish their existence and tried to monopolize the trading. These countries such as the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Dutch and the British built strengthened trade stations which later became forts all over Indonesia to defend their interest. The archipelago of Indonesia possesses a great number of fortification-works as legacies of native rulers and those which were built by European trading companies and later became colonial powers in the 16<sup>th</sup> to the 19<sup>th</sup> centuries. These legacies include those specific structures built as a defence system during pre and within the period of World War II. These fortresses are nowadaysvaluable subjects, because they might be considered as shared heritage among these countries and Indonesia. It’s important to develop a vision to preserve these particular subjects of heritage, because they are an interesting part of the Indonesian history and its cultural treasures. The Government of the Republic of Indonesia has national program to compile a comprehensive documentation of the existing condition of these various types of forts as cultural heritage. The result of the 3 years project was a comprehensive 442 forts database in Indonesia, which will be very valuable to the implementation of legal protection, preservation matters and adaptive re-use in the future.

Lincoln Kirstein’s Social Modernism and the Cultural Front

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Harris
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Biographical Approach ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter takes a biographical approach to Lincoln Kirstein’s creation of a modernist theory of ballet to situate its development in the 1930s cultural wing of the Popular Front and explore its evolution through and after World War II. Fueled by the cultural front’s belief in the role of the arts in social revolution, Kirstein seized the opportunity to decouple ballet from existing biases about its elitism and triviality, and formulate new ideas about its social relevance in the Depression period. After exploring the development of Kirstein’s social modernism in the cultural front, chapter 2 then turns to the challenges posed to the 1930s belief that art could be productively combined with politics through two major turning points in Kirstein’s life. These are his experiences in World War II, and the erosion of his own artistic role in the ballet company after the formation of the New York City Ballet and the ascendance of George Balanchine’s dance-for-dance-sake aesthetic in the late 1940s. The chapter illustrates Kirstein’s attempts to negotiate the social modernist aesthetic he crafted under the wing of the cultural front within the volatile political, economic, and artistic circumstances of World War II, anticommunism, and the Cold War.

CIRCUITS OF POWER: CHINA'S QUEST FOR CABLE TELEGRAPH RIGHTS 1912–1945

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Shuge Wei
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
The Republic

ABSTRACTThis article examines China’s efforts to restore cable telegraph rights from the establishment of the Republic of China to the end of World War II. Challenging the conventional dichotomy of “Chinese” and “Western” actors in rights recovery issues, this article explores the intricate power relations between foreign cable companies, international interests groups and various political factions in China. It analyses China’s reclaim of cable sovereignty in three phases, each characterised by a particular controversy—the intra-clique struggle of the Communications Clique during the early Republic and the warlord era; the rivalry between the Nationalist Party, military and the state during the Nanjing decade; and the direct Sino-Japanese conflict during wartime. The article presents the argument that for the various interest groups, ideologies such as imperialism and nationalism served as rhetoric in their respective pursuits. It was the daily political tensions that played a crucial role in shaping how cable policies were devised.

scholarly journals ARCHBISHOP STEPINAC, THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA AND WESTERN ALLIES

1970 ◽  
pp. 272-293
Author(s):  
MILAN KOLJANIN ◽  
DRAGICA KOLJANIN
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
World War ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Holy See ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
The Government

There are various doubts and ambiguities regarding the dispatch of the memorandum by the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) to the Western Allies asking for military intervention in early May 1945, giving rise to different interpretations in historiography. These varying interpretations are related to the circumstances of the dispatch of the memorandum, its text, the actions of prominent representatives of the Ustasha government, relations between the new Yugoslav authorities and Western allies, especially the British and the role of Archbishop Stepinac and the Holy See in the ISC. In order to understand the memorandum, it is necessary to consider the most important political and military circumstances at the end of World War II in Yugoslavia, especially the politics of the new Yugoslavia and the Western powers, primarily the British. The representatives of the Holy See in the ISC and the Archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, played an important role in efforts to preserve the Ustasha state. This paper was written based on unpublished and published archival sources and relevant historiographical literature.

scholarly journals Esoteric Theravada Buddhism in Burma/Myanmar

2013 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 55-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niklas Foxeus
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Theravada Buddhism ◽  
World War ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Asian Nation ◽  
Insight Meditation ◽  
The Government

The achievement of independence in 1948 was in many ways a watershed in Burma’s history. At this time, a variety of Buddhist movements emerged that were part not only of a ‘Burmese Buddhist revival’, in which even the government was involved, but also a general re-enchantment of Asia. In the period following World War II, projects of nation-building and further modernization were implemented in many newly independent Asian nation states. The theories of modernization adopted by the rulers had presupposed that a new, rationalized and secularized order that had set them on the path of ‘progress’ would entail a decline of religion. However, instead there was a widespread resurgence of religion, and a variety of new, eclectic religious movements emerged in Southeast Asia. In the thriving religious field of postcolonial Burma, two lay Buddhist movements associated with two different meditation techniques emerged, viz.; the insight meditation movement and the concentration meditation movement. The latter consisted of a variety of esoteric congregations combining concentration meditation with esoteric lore, and some of these were characterized by fundamentalist trends. At the same time, the supermundane form of Buddhism became increasingly influential in the entire field of religion. The aim of the present article is to discuss how this supermundane dimension has reshaped the complex religious field in Burma, with particular emphasis on the esoteric congregations; to present the Burmese form of esoteric Theravāda Buddhism, and to situate the fundamentalist trends which are present in these contexts.

scholarly journals Education on the Roma Genocide in the Second World War in the Republic of Croatia

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Danijel Vojak
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Education System ◽  
European Countries ◽  
World War ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Roma Population ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State And Local ◽  
War Victims ◽  
Second World

The Roma population has been living in Croatian territories for more than six centuries and during that period was mostly persecuted by state and local authorities who sought to assimilate them. Such antigypsyism political practice was not unique only for the Croatian territory but was practiced in most other European countries. After World War II there was no commemoration and recognition of Roma victims in most European countries, including socialist Croatia (Yugoslavia). Such marginalization of the culture of remembrance of Roma war victims was reflected in the lack of education on this subject in the Croatian education system, where it is mostly mentioned in only a few words. The paper focuses on the analysis of how the issue of Roma suffering in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and Europe is (un)integrated into the Croatian education system.

scholarly journals Debates about the Polish eastern border after World War II in the Polish immigrant circle

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Tetiana Yelova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Editorial Staff ◽  
World War ◽  
Annual Basis ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War

The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.

scholarly journals It was Deliberate Way to a Famine

2018 ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Chornyi
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Rural Area ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Foreign Assistance ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Great Famine ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Collective Farms

The article analyses one of the most grievous chapters in the history of Ukrainian nation – the Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932–1933. It is referred to the massive famine that was deliberately organized by the Soviet authorities, which led to many millions hu-man losses in the rural area in the territory of the Ukrainian SSR and Kuban. Planned confiscation of grain crops and other food products from villagers by the representatives of the Soviet authorities led to a multimillion hunger massacre of people in rural area. At the same time, the Soviet government had significant reserves of grain in warehouses and exported it abroad, since without collectivization and Ukrainian bread it was impossible to launch the industrialization that demanded Ukrainian grain to be contributed to foreigners in return for their assistance. Ukrainian grain turned into currency. The authorities of that time refused to accept foreign assistance for starving people and simultaneously banned and blocked their leaving outside the Ukrainian SSR. The so-called “barrier troops” were organized in order to prevent hungry people from flee to the freedom and not let anyone enter the starving area. The situation is characterized by the fact that the idea and practice of barrier troops tested on Ukrainians were lately used on the battlefields of the World War II. Among three Holodomors, the government did not conceal only the first one (1921–1922), as it could be blamed on the tsarist regime that brought the villagers to the poverty, and post-war devastation. The famine of 1946–1947 was silenced, but the population generally perceived it as a clear consequence of two horrendous misfortunes – the World War II and dreadful drought. Especially rigid was position of the government regarding the very fact of genocide in 1933–1933 not only its scale. The author emphasizes that the Great Famine is refused to be admitted not because it was unreal but to avoid the assessment of its special direction against Ukraine and Ukrainian nation, saying instead that it affected the fate of all nations. The article describes the renovation of internal passports system and the obligatory registration at a certain address that took place in the USSR in 1932. Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR stipulated the fact that people living in rural areas should not obtain passports. Therefore, collective farmers of the Ukrainian SSR actually did not obtain passports. The villagers were forbidden to leave collective farms without signed agreement with the employer, that deprived them of the right to free movement. Even after the introduction of labour books the collective farmers did not obtain them either. The author describes the destruction of the collective farms system that his parents dedicated their entire labour life to. Instead of preserving productive forces, material and technical base and introducing new forms of agrarian sector management and the whole society to the development path, this system has been thoughtlessly destroying and plundering. Keywords: Holodomor, Ukrainian villagers, collectivization, genocide, confiscation, barrier troops.

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