Trade Competition and American Decolonization

2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky

This article proposes a political economy approach to decolonization. Focusing on the industrial organization of agriculture, it argues that competition between colonial and metropolitan producers creates demands for decolonization from within the metropole when colonies have broad export profiles and when export industries are controlled by colonial, as opposed to metropolitan, interests. The author applies this framework to the United States in the early 1900s, showing that different structures of the colonial sugar industries in the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico–diverse exports with dispersed local ownership versus monocrop economies dominated by large US firms–explain why protectionist continental-agriculture interests agitated so effectively for independence for the Philippines, but not for Hawaii or Puerto Rico. A comparative historical analysis of the three colonial economies and the Philippine independence debates complemented by a statistical analysis of roll call votes in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act supports the argument. In providing a new perspective on economic relations in the late-colonial era, the argument highlights issues of trade and empire in US history that span the subfields of American political development, comparative politics, and international political economy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Jenny D. Balboa

Abstract Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.


1986 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 626-645 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene M. Lyons

Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.


1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Davis Graham

Scholarship on the political development of the United States since the 1960s is dominated, not surprisingly, by social scientists. Such recent events fall within the penumbra of “contemporary history,” the standard research domain of social scientists but treacherous terrain for historians. Social scientists studying American government and society generally enjoy prompt access to evidence of the policy-making process–documents from the elected and judicial branches of government, interviews with policy elites, voting returns, survey research. Historians of the recent past, on the other hand, generally lack two crucial ingredients–temporal perspective and archival evidence–that distinguish historical analysis from social science research. For these reasons, social scientists (and journalists) customarily define the initial terms of policy debate and shape the conventional wisdom. Historians weigh in later, when memories fade, archives open, and the clock adds a relentless and inherently revisionist accumulation of hindsight.


Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.


Author(s):  
Robert Jackson ◽  
Georg Sørensen

This chapter examines three important debates in International Political Economy (IPE). The first debate concerns power and the relationship between politics and economics, and more specifically whether politics is in charge of economics or whether it is the other way around. The second debate deals with development and underdevelopment in developing countries. The third debate is about the nature and extent of economic globalization, and currently takes places in a context of increasing inequality between and inside countries. This debate is also informed by the serious financial crisis of 2008 and has raised questions regarding the viability of the current model of capitalism in the United States and Western Europe.


Author(s):  
Eugénia C. Heldt ◽  
Laura C. Mahrenbach

Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the role of domestic pressures in determining state preferences toward the reform of international organizations (IO s). This article adds a new dimension by examining how partisanship and ministerial control affect state preferences toward IO empowerment. The article derives two expectations from the existing literature. First, partisan position will determine preferences toward IO empowerment. Second, when a government is constituted by multiple parties, the position of the party with the IO’s ministerial portfolio will determine the government’s position toward IO empowerment. The article illustrates this argument by examining the positions of four net donors (Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and two net recipients (Brazil and India) during the World Bank’s reforms. By bringing domestic politics back in, this article complements existing studies on the politics of IO reform and weighs in on central debates in comparative politics and international political economy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloe Thurston ◽  
Kathryn Bowen

The articles in this special issue of Business and Politics weigh in on the domestic political dynamics that continue to shape the international political economy, with a focus on the United States case. In this issue, Richard Carney discusses the role of New Deal–era farmers in shaping modern global financial standards, Daniel Kono analyzes the relationship between social policy and support for freer trade, and Kathleen Rehbein and Douglas Schuler examine the characteristics of business firms that are most likely to gain legislative and executive branch access in the area of trade policy. The two final articles provide insights into critical issues in ongoing policy debates. Irja Vormedal discusses the role of business strategies and “tipping points” in determining the support and failure of federal environmental regulation from 1990 through 2010, while Emily Yixuan Cao, Yong Cao, Rashmi Prasad, and Zhengping Shen argue that domestic politics continues (and will continue) to influence the character of U.S.-China exchange rate negotiations. This introduction to the special issue summarizes the contributions of these five articles and also situates them in relation to other contemporary political science debates.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla Norrlöf

Abstract. Accumulating debt is usually harmful for states, but a cyclical deficit policy and large-scale borrowing have been beneficial for the United States. While structural changes in the international political economy may cap America's future ability to process debt, an empirical analysis of the economic dimensions of hegemony over the last quarter century shows unambiguously that the hegemon reaps disproportionate gains in the area of trade and investment. This finding provides new insight on whether it is advantageous to be a hegemon.Résumé. Les États pâtissent généralement de l'accumulation des dettes, mais une politique de déficit cyclique et le recours à de larges emprunts ont pourtant été bénéfiques aux États-Unis. La capacité future de la puissance américaine à gérer sa dette sera peut-être entamée par les changements structurels subis par l'économie politique mondiale. Toutefois, l'analyse empirique des dimensions économiques de la situation d'hégémonie durant les vingt-cinq dernières années met à jour, et sans ambiguïté aucune, les gains disproportionnés générés par l'hégémon dans les domaines du commerce et de l'investissement. Cette recherche apporte un éclairage nouveau au débat sur les avantages liés à la position d'hégémon.


Author(s):  
N.K. Baibussinova ◽  
◽  
Z.S. Ilyassova ◽  

The article examines the complex structure of trade and economic relations between the Gulf States and the United States, complicated by military conflicts and affected by the influence of superpowers. The main purpose of this article is to reveal the history of the Gulf countries ‘ trade relations with the United States. The research methods included systematization, comparison, comparison, and historical analysis of the facts of the development of the Persian Gulf countries. The situation in the development of trade relations between the Gulf States is also conditioned by the US intervention and recent events in Iran, which may again lead to an escalation of the military conflict and stagnation of trade relations. In view of this, it is necessary to use a political dialogue that does not allow for war, which can result in a decrease in trade indicators in the region. As a result of the study, it was possible to determine the main aspects of cooperation between the Gulf States and the United States, in terms of emerging problems and the complexity of mutual historical development


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Obsatar Sinaga ◽  
Verdinand Robertua

This research discussed the impact of Permanent Court of Arbitration’s decision on the dynamic of South China Sea dispute. Court’s decision in July 2016 to give South China Sea based on UNCLOS’s regulation has provoked China’s objection. This research question is on How to understand the crisis of international law in the international political economy using English School Theory in the case of South China Sea dispute? To answer the research question, this research is using English School Theory (ES) with its two pillars namely pluralism and solidarism. This research shows two findings. First, the PCA decision has been used by the Philippines to be bargaining tool to obtain economic cooperation and appeased the failure of PCA ruling. Secondly, the PCA decision has provided momentum for China to transform their policy related to the South China Sea dispute with its role as the great power. Thirdly, the structure of international law as the primary institution would be consists of great power politics, ASEAN and economic diplomacy.   Key words: South China Sea, English School, Permanent Court of Arbitration, international political economy, international law   Abstrak   Penelitian ini membahas dampak keputusan Pengadilan Arbitrase mengenai sengketa Laut Cina Selatan. Keputusan pengadilan pada bulan Juli 2016 untuk memberi Laut Tiongkok Selatan berdasarkan peraturan UNCLOS telah memancing keberatan Tiongkok. Pertanyaan penelitian ini adalah bagaimana memahami krisis hukum internasional dalam ekonomi politik internasional dengan menggunakan Teori English School dalam kasus perselisihan Laut Tiongkok Selatan? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian, penelitian ini menggunakan Teori English School (ES) dengan dua pilarnya yaitu pluralisme dan solidarisme. Penelitian ini menunjukkan tiga temuan. Pertama, keputusan PCA telah digunakan oleh Filipina untuk menjadi alat tawar menawar untuk mendapatkan bantuan ekonomi  dari China dan meredakan ketegangan akibat keputusan PCA. Kedua, keputusan PCA telah memberi momentum bagi Tiongkok untuk mengubah kebijakan mereka terkait dengan perselisihan Laut Cina Selatan dengan memainkan perannya sebagai negara adikuasa. Ketiga, struktur hukum internasional sebagai institusi primer terdiri atas politik negara adikuasa, ASEAN dan diplomasi ekonomi.   Kata Kunci: Laut Tiongkok Selatan, English School, Permanent Court of Arbitration, Ekonomi Politik Internasional, hukum internasional


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