The National Unity of the Romanians and the Breakup of the Austro-Hungarian Empire

1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 63-83
Author(s):  
Ştefan Pascu
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Indiana University ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Considerable Portion ◽  
National Autonomy ◽  
The Government ◽  
History Attribute

Both in their scholarly writings and at conferences such as those at Indiana University in 1966 and Bratislava in 1967, historians have expressed the opinion, which has been unanimously accepted, that the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire must be mainly ascribed to the centrifugal role of the non-German and non-Magyar nationalities in that empire. Relegated to the rank of second-class subjects of the Habsburg emperor by the privileged classes of the dominant German and Magyar nations, the Slavic and Latin nationalities enjoyed fewer political privileges than the Germans and Hungarians, suffered from discriminations that impeded the growth of their cultural potentialities, and were subjected to various economic measures that handicapped the development of their economies. Historians are also agreed that the lack of economic unity of the Dual Monarchy was another important reason for the collapse. Furthermore, the majority of specialists on Habsburg history attribute a considerable portion of the blame for the dissolution of the Habsburg realm to the nationality policies pursued by the government in the Transleithanian half of the monarchy. The repression of the non-Magyar nationalities by the privileged classes in Hungary stimulated the growth of national liberation movements among the oppressed nationalities and prompted them to intensify their struggle, first, for equal rights, then for national autonomy, and, finally, for self-determination.

scholarly journals Analisis Strategi Forum Kewaspadaan Dini Masyarakat (FKDM) atas Cegah Dini dalam Penanganan Konflik Sosial di Provinsi Dki Jakarta Tahun 2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-209
Author(s):  
Dwi Agustina ◽  
Edy Mulyadi
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Warning System ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Conflict Handling ◽  
The Government

The community is responsible for the implementation of the community early awareness, meanwhile the government is obliged to facilitate it. A good role of the Community Early Awareness Forum or Forum Kewaspadaan Dini Masyarakat (FKDM) followed up by the government can save the community from security threat or disaster and minimize losses by anticipating the security threats and disaster. This research uses qualitative approach. Concept operationalization in this research refers to the used strategy, the SWOT analysis. The FKDM strategies in social conflict early prevention are: 1) inserting early warning system by increasing institutional capacities which include three elements; government, private sector, community through dialogue, 2) National Unity and Politics Agency or Badan Kesatuan Bangsa dan Politik (Kesbangpol) of DKI Jakarta actively making dialogue persuasively and finding solution, 3) budgeting of conflict handling according to the Government Regulation gives opportunity to strengthen community resilience to protect the community, encourage community participation, handle social conflict, and preserve local wisdom to maintain peace.

scholarly journals ANALISA RUH PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER DALAM PENDIDIKAN NASIONAL (UNDANG-UNDANG 2003)

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Syahrul Akmal Latif ◽  
Yusri Herman
Keyword(s):  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Education ◽  
First Principle ◽  
National Unity ◽  
National Education ◽  
Education Act ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual

The issue of education is never over to talk about because education is one measurement of a person's individual accomplishments and achievements systematically nation. The high education of human resources will give a lot of useful works for the individual and social. Unfortunately, the education that was developed based on this character only strengthen individual and social, it’s beyond the divine value . It is due to the historical roots of the character education by Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) and Charles Renouvier (1815-1857); Religious morality in the low education and August Comter (1798- 1857); secular morality. Renouvier said the weakness of youth responsibility, loss of justice equality, respect and others. The process of character education is faced with the application of secularization. Such as, in France Francois Camille Jules Ferry (1832-1893) , a French Education minister said; Moral education is important but explicitely teaching morality does not needed. The development of character education in America is very dynamic. It’s started from 19th century (1900-1950) until 1997.It’s established nationally. Finally, Thomas lichona explained the entire role of religion in the education of character with seven steps and the role of teachers in character education. Thus, the author conducted religious analysis which widely spread among society is that the teaching of Protestant religious. But, It successfully gives individual and social value as character education. On the contrary, the goal of our national educational in 1945 (Version amendment) Article 31, paragraph 3 states: The Government shall manage and organize a national education system. Which increases the Faith and piety as well as noble character in order to educate the nation that adopted by law. Article 31, paragraph 5, states that the government advances science and technology to uphold the values of religious and national unity for the progress of civilization and prosperity of mankind. Likewise, the purpose of philosophy Nasionsl Education Act No. 20 of 2003. The 1945 Constitution and the Law N0 20 of 2003. Strongly reflects the value of belief in one God as the first principle of Pancasila as the first principle says it is an acknowledgment that in developing the nation's education should not be separated from human relations and slave relationship with God the creator.  

scholarly journals THE EFFECT OF EMPOWERING LEADERSHIP ON INTRINSIC MOTIVATION: THE ROLE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL EMPOWERMENT AS A MEDIATION

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Khaidir Syahrul
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Intrinsic Motivation ◽  
Psychological Empowerment ◽  
Hypothesis Test ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Empowering Leadership ◽  
Testing Hypotheses ◽  
The Government ◽  
Positive Effect

This research aims to investigate the human resources managment within the government which requires a reliable and competent leadership. A leadership categorized as the concept of empowering when the leader shares direction, a support system, friendly, synergizing, and providing exemplary examples to his subordinates. Employees who feel empowered by the leader would increase their motivation in work. This would increase psychological side of the employee’s cognitions such as a meaningfulness, the competence, a self-determination, and the effect. This research is focused on the process of testing hypotheses and is aimed to examine the effect of empowering leadership’s motivation in the field of work. It is mediated by psychological empowerment. The data used in this study was a questionnaire. This study was used four-stage hypothesis test of Baron and Kenny (1986). The result indicates that empowering leadership has a positive effect on intrinsic motivation , and psychological empowerment partially mediates the positive effect of empowering leadership in supporting intrinsic motivation.

The Rise of Court Government in Canada

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Savoie
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada ◽  
Acting In Concert ◽  
Made In

AbstractThe article challenges long-established conventions about how Canada's federal government works. It argues that Cabinet has joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. In the late 1990s, political power is in the hands of the prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers rather than with the prime minister acting in concert with his elected cabinet colleagues. The article reviews the forces that have led to the rise of court government and the policy instruments and administrative tools that enable it to function. National unity concerns, the role of the media and lobbyists, as well as reforms at the centre of government and globalization, have all served to reshape how policy and decisions are made in the government of Canada. The changes hold important implications, not just for cabinet government, but also for the public service and Canadians themselves.

The Role of the Telegraph in the Consolidation and Expansion of the Argentine Republic

1984 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Hodge
Keyword(s):  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Federal District ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
New City ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Significant Milestone

From 1810, when the cabildo of Buenos Aires declared itself free from Spain, through the civil and parochial wars of the post independence period Argentina struggled for constitutional order and political unity. The tyranny of Rosas, the promulgation of the Federal Constitution in 1853, and its ultimate acceptance by the Province of Buenos Aires in 1862 highlighted the drama. Hampered by vast distances, primitive transportation facilities, and the presence of nomadic hostile Indians, the drive for national unity seemed to have reached a significant milestone in 1880. That year saw the creation of the Federal District on the heels of the suppression of a serious revolt against the national government by the Province of Buenos Aires. When the port city of Buenos Aires became the capital of the Republic, and the government of the province moved to the new city of La Plata, it must have appeared to casual observers that Argentina had arrived as a modern nation-state.

National Liberation in the Context of Post- and Non-Colonial Struggles for Self-Determination

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Chadwick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Jus In Bello ◽  
International Support ◽  
Jus Ad Bellum ◽  
Legal Limits

This chapter examines the contemporary viability of self-determination and liberation conflicts in the context of the use of force and the limits placed on that force. Drawing on the parameters of restraint developed in humanitarian and human rights laws, it explores the role of force in the struggles for self-determination. The chapter begins with an assessment of the role played by coercion in the internal affairs of states, followed by a discussion on self-determination in relation to jus in bello, jus ad bellum, terrorism, and human rights. It then considers the normative and legal limits placed on force between states compared to the limits on force utilized within states between governments and non-state actors. The chapter concludes by analysing the extent to which existing rules are affected by international support for ‘legitimate’ revolutionary armed conflicts for self-determination.

Hristo Botev: The Ekstasis of Non-Belonging and the Route to Modernity

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Dimitar Kambourov
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Unity ◽  
National Myth ◽  
The People ◽  
Poetic Narrative ◽  
Per Se ◽  
The Masses

AbstractBulgarian literature of the 19th century, although widely unknown abroad, is decisive for the formation of Bulgarian national identity. In this respect, the authority of the ‘national poet’ Hristo Botev has been uncontested for 140 years. Botev has created the Bulgarian mytho-poetic narrative and imposed it as a set of political, social and ethical principles, crystalized to a corrective. Yet, Botev’s poetic agenda is contradictory. His nationalism, based on natural belonging to the people, kin and family, is persistently extended towards social criticism and a utopian longing for class equality. Thus, the prior national unity appears subverted: the representatives of the elite are stigmatized as non-belonging to the nation per se, to ‘the people,’ a collective subject, enslaved, suffering, passive, and mute. Such an irresolvable contradiction between the two struggles – for national liberation and for social emancipation – is additionally complicated by Botev’s third, most intimate longing – for personal unbinding that would take the radical form of self-emerging beyond any kinship and class affiliation. Thus, the mytho-poetic figure of an apocalyptic Motherland had to be re-articulated as the eternal ‘There’ of a coveted death. Finally, Botev’s self-victimization, orchestrated as a rebel raid, is his response to the fallen heroes and their failed sacrifice. Bulgaria’s most powerful national poet gave birth to a national myth of the genius who voluntarily gave up poetry and joined the masses by embracing their role of a victim.

scholarly journals A comparative analysis of consumer awareness in South Africa during 1992 and 1994: Implications for the reconstruction and development programme (r.d.p.)

1996 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
G. G. Rousseau ◽  
D. J. L. Venter
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Demographic Variables ◽  
Development Programme ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Consumer Awareness ◽  
Five Factors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Different Levels

This article describes the measurement and comparison of different levels of consumer awareness in an empirical study carried out in South Africa during 1994. The study investigates the role of various demographic variables on the construct, compares the results with those of a previous study and analyses the implications of the findings for the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), launched by the Government of National Unity. Findings confirm the reliability of the instrument to measure the five factors of consumer awareness identified in previous studies. Different levels of consumer awareness emerged from the sample. These differences can be attributed to demographic variables such as household size, income, education and area. Findings further suggest that levels of consumer awareness have changed by area since 1992. These changes imply a need for consumer education to be incorporated into the RDP, should the government wish to enhance levels of consumer awareness in the country. Opsomming Hierdie artikel beskryf die meting en vergelyking van verskillende vlakke van verbruikersbewustheid in 'n empiriese studie uitgevoer in Suid-Afrika gedurende 1994. Die rol van verskeie demografiese faktore op die konstruk word ondersoek, die resultate vergelyk met die van 'n vorige studie en die implikasies daarvan ontleed in terme van die Heropbou en Ontwikkelingsprogam (HOP) deur die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid ingestel. Bevindinge bevestig die betroubaarheid van die instrument om die vyf faktore van verbruikersbewustheid soos geidentifiseer in vorige studies, te meet. Verskeie vlakke van verbruikersbewustheid het na vore getree uit die steekproef. Hierdie verskille kan toegeskryf word aan demografiese faktore soos huishouding grootte, inkome, opvoedingspeil en woongebied. Bevindinge suggereer verder dat vlakke van verbruikersbewustheid verander het sedert 1992, volgens gebied. Hierdie veranderinge impliseer 'n behoefte om verbruikersopvoeding in die HOP in te sluit, sou die regering vlakke van verbruikersbewustheid in die land wil verhoog.

scholarly journals Strategies and Challenges for Women Protection against Violence: A Case Study of Jakarta and Cairo

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Nurul Adhha ◽  
Asep Saepudin Jahar ◽  
Kamarusdiana Kamarusdiana ◽  
Imam Subchi
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Laws And Policies

This study aims at illustrating the weakness of women protection against violence in various levels in Indonesia and Cairo. Both countries share common failure in protecting women due to the incapability poor performance of police and local governments. In addition, cultural values and religious understanding have played a part in narrowing the concern to the protection. Basically, Indonesia has already set some legal instruments to protect women against any violence through the gender-based laws and policies. In practice, however, such laws and policies have faced several complexities in regards to the nature of institution, security role and social values among society. Violence against women is generally regarded as moral and norm violations instead of criminal acts. In some respects, the weakness of law enforcement indicates the ineffectiveness of the existing laws and policies. Similarly, Egypt also suffers from the backwardness of women protection against violence. In fact, legal reform for women protection in this country was made in 2014 through special constitution. Such constitution is the first law set to promote the status and role of women in both private and public affairs. In addition, it also aims at ensuring equal rights and obligations in women protection which is free from discrimination and empowering as well as caring for women and girls victims at various stages of case handling system. Referring to the data and actual documents collected during the research, this study has found a result stating women protection has faced various aspects of social and political interests. To that end, it necessary to strengthen the role of civil society in controlling the government and making people aware of gender equality in particular and human rights in general.

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