Daring to Lead

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Andrew Young

We who have dared associate ourselves with the cause of “the least of these,” our brethren around the world, those of us who, by circumstance or choice, find ourselves in sympathy with the struggling aspirations of the poor, the moans and cries of the oppressed, the pain and suffering of the diseased, know that somehow we on this earth have got to learn to live together as brothers.Many of us learned these lessons at the side of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. We saw how things happened to him. One of the reasons that 1 am able to be involved at the United Nations is because of the inspiration I drew from the association with Dr. King and the strength and understanding I saw him draw from ordinary people and the people who strengthened him to carry on.

Author(s):  
Henry Shue

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change adopted in Rio de Janeiro at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in June 1992 establishes no dates and no dollars. No dates are specified by which emissions are to be reduced by the wealthy states, and no dollars are specified with which the wealthy states will assist the poor states to avoid an environmentally dirty development like our own. The convention is toothless because throughout the negotiations in the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee during 1991 to 1992, the United States played the role of dentist: whenever virtually all the other states in the world (with the notable exceptions of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait) agreed to convention language with teeth, the United States insisted that the teeth be pulled out. The Clinton administration now faces a strategic question: should the next step aim at a comprehensive treaty covering all greenhouse gases (GHGs) or at a narrower protocol covering only one, or a few, gases, for example, only fossil-fuel carbon dioxide (CO2)? Richard Stewart and Jonathan Wiener (1992) have argued for moving directly to a comprehensive treaty, while Thomas Drennen (1993) has argued for a more focused beginning. I will suggest that Drennen is essentially correct that we should not try to go straight to a comprehensive treaty, at least not of the kind advocated by Stewart and Wiener. First I would like to develop a framework into which to set issues of equity or justice of the kind introduced by Drennen. It would be easier if we faced only one question about justice, but several questions are not only unavoidable individually but are entangled with one another. In addition, each question can be given not simply alternative answers but answers of different kinds. In spite of this multiplicity of possible answers to the multiplicity of inevitable and interconnected questions, I think we can lay out the issues fairly clearly and establish that commonsense principles converge to a remarkable extent upon what ought to be done, at least for the next decade or so.


2021 ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Faisal MAHMOOD ◽  
Wassem AHMED

Human trafficking is a global evil that snatches freedom from millions of people worldwide to make money. It is a multi-billion-dollar industry affecting the lives of vulnerable – such as women, children, and the poor. Human trafficking, in its various ways, affects almost every country of the world, said the United Nations; and India is not an exception to it. Despite having rich legislation to combat the problem, human trafficking remains a significant issue in India. This paper is a study about the potential purposes of human trafficking with a detailed discussion on anti-human trafficking laws in India. While addressing the causes of failure of these laws at implementation level, some suggestions has also been provided in concluding part of the paper


1999 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-128

It gives me great pleasure to convey my warmest greetings to all who have gathered from around the world to continue this historic process. I would like first to express my gratitude to President Carlos Menem and the people of Argentina for hosting this Conference, which demonstrates yet again their abiding commitment to the United Nations and to human well-being in general. I would also like to salute all the other Heads of State or Government, distinguished delegates, colleagues from the United Nations system and other participants for coming together, in a spirit of partnership, to continue this vital work, which means so much to the world's people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-34
Author(s):  
Yopi Gunawan, Kristian

Dalam kenyataannya saat ini, meningkatnya kasus tindak pidana korupsi dari tahun ke tahun telah menimbulkan kerugian negara yang sangat besar yang pada gilirannya dapat berdampak pada timbulnya krisis di berbagai bidang. Di samping itu, mengingat bahwa tindak pidana korupsi di Indonesia terjadi secara sistematik dan meluas serta lingkupnya yang memasuki seluruh aspek kehidupan masyarakat, tindak pidana korupsi tidak hanya merugikan keuangan negara, tetapi juga telah melanggar hak-hak sosial dan ekonomi masyarakat secara luas dan dalam jangka panjang akan membawa bencana bagi kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa dan bernegara pada umumnya. Karena itu semua maka tindak pidana korupsi tidak lagi dapat digolongkan sebagai kejahatan biasa melainkan kejahatan kerah putih yang berdampak luar biasa. Mengingat hal tersebut, muncul kesadaran bahwa pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi perlu dilakukan dengan cara-cara luar biasa. Upaya pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi yang selama lebih dari 60 tahun telah dilakukan, baik pada era Orde Lama dan Orde baru, maupun pada Era Reformasi, serta Era Baru pemerintahan saat ini yakni dengan melakukan berbagai upaya ternyata belum menunjukkan hasil seperti yang diharapkan. Hal ini terbukti dengan hasil survei lembaga rating kaliber dunia berkaitan dengan pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi telah menempatkan Indonesia ke dalam peringkat teratas di Asia atau sekurang-kurangnya ke dalam kelompok sepuluh besar negara terkorup di dunia. Menanggapi hal ini, sudah tentu hukum harus kembali mengambil peranannya sebagai alat untuk menciptakan masyarakat yang aman, adil, makmur dan sejahtera yakni dengan melakukan penindakan dan pencegahan dilakukannya tindak pidana korupsi. Apabila melihat kebelakang, pada tanggal 18 April 2006 lalu Indonesia telah meratifikasi The United Nations Convention Against Corruption melalui Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No. 7 Tahun 2006. Namun sangat disayangkan,  peratifikasian The United Nations Convention Against Corruption melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2006 tersebut tidak dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik. Hal ini dikarenakan masih banyak prinsip-prinsip yang terdapat dalam The United Nations Convention Against Corruption belum diadopsi oleh peraturan perundang-undangan nasional khususnya peraturan perundang-undangan yang menyangkut pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi yakni Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No. 31 Tahun 1999 sebagaimana telah diubah oleh Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No. 20 Tahun 2001 Tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi. Kata Kunci: Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Konvensi PBB menentang Tindak Pidana Korupsi, 2003, Pembaharuan Hukum Pidana.   Abstract The continual increase of corruption criminal acts from years to years has caused huge losses to the nation which in turns its impact will induce multiple-aspect crisis.  Considering that the Indonesian corruption criminal acts occur systematically and extensively in all aspects of people’s lives, corruption acts do not only harm the nation’s monetary, but also violate people’s social and economical rights widely, and in long terms will bring catastrophe to the lives of the people and the nation.  Thus, the corruption criminal acts can no longer be categorized as a common crime but a systematic and organized crime.  Corruption criminal acts are also performed as a white collar crimes and extra ordinary crimes. This tendency raises awareness that the eradication of corruption criminal acts needs to be extraordinarily treated. The effort to eradicate corruption criminal acts has been performed for more than 60 years during the Old Order, New Order, Reformation Era, and the New Era of the current government.  However, the result has not shown the desired outcome.  It is proven by the survey from the world-caliber institution that pertains to the eradication of corruption criminal acts.  The result places Indonesia in the first place of the most corrupted nation in Asia and in the big ten in the world.  Responding to this issue, laws are supposed to perform its role as an instrument to create a secure, just, prosperous, and flourish society through actions and prevention against the corruption criminal acts.  On 18 April 2006, Indonesia has ratified The United Nations Convention against Corruption through the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7/2006 about the validation of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Unfortunately, the ratification of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption through the Constitution No. 7/2006 is not well-enforced as there are still many principles in The United Nations Convention Against Corruption which have not been adopted by the national constitution, in particular the constitution on the eradication of corruption criminal acts in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia No. 20/2001 about the Eradication of Corruption Criminal Acts.   Keywords: Eradication On Corruption Criminal Acts, The United Nations Convention Against Corruption, 2003, Penal Reform.


Author(s):  
Gary S. Fields

The chapter presents an analysis of the employment and unemployment outcomes facing them and people like them. Despite high-sounding pronouncements such as Article 23 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for billions of working persons around the world, the rights “to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work … to protection against unemployment … and to just and favourable remuneration” are unattainable; they are not rights at all.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Hamer ◽  
Hanna Hamet

By detailed analyses of Polish and world statistics, the authors search for the answer if in fact,as some politicians and citizens claim, the world and in particular European Union and Polandare overcome by the wave of violence. Data gathered, among others, by Polish Public OpinionResearch Center (CBOS), Eurostat and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNOCD), aswell as anthropologists and police, clearly prove the opposite. Scientific comparisons concerningviolence over the centuries show that its scale drastically decreased and the world gets saferwith time. Statistical reports of the United Nations especially clearly indicate European Union(including Poland) as particularly peaceful region against the rest of the world, having the lowestmurder rates. Eurostat data confirm these results, also showing decrease in other crimes overthe years. Polish police data similarly prove existence of this trend and CBOS indicates thatit is reflected in increasing sense of security among Poles. In the second part of the article theauthors explain potential reasons for using such false slogans as “increasing wave of violence” bypoliticians and raising fear in voters as well as psychological mechanisms responsible for theirpotential effectiveness.


Author(s):  
Ramesh Thakur

The very destructiveness of nuclear weapons makes them unusable for ethical and military reasons. The world has placed growing restrictions on the full range of nuclear programs and activities. But with the five NPT nuclear powers failing to eliminate nuclear arsenals, other countries acquiring the bomb, arms control efforts stalled, nuclear risks climbing, and growing awareness of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear war, the United Nations adopted a new treaty to ban the bomb. Some technical anomalies between the 1968 and 2017 treaties will need to be harmonized and the nuclear-armed states’ rejection of the ban treaty means it will not eliminate any nuclear warheads. However, it will have a significant normative impact in stigmatizing the possession, use and threat of use of nuclear weapons and serve as a tool for civil society to mobilize domestic and world public opinion against the doctrine of nuclear deterrence.


This volume documents the intellectual influence of the United Nations through its flagship publication, the World Economic and Social Survey (WESS) on its seventieth anniversary. Prepared at the Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) and first published in 1948 as the World Economic Report (subsequently renamed the WESS), it is the oldest continuous post-World War II publication of this kind, recording and analysing the performance of the global economy and social development trends, and offering relevant policy recommendations. This volume highlights how well WESS has tracked global economic and social conditions, and how its analyses have influenced and have been influenced by the prevailing discourse over the past seven decades. The volume critically reflects on its policy recommendations and their influence on actual policymaking and the shaping of the world economy. Although world economic and social conditions have changed significantly over the past seven decades and so have the policy recommendations of the Survey, some of its earlier recommendations remain relevant today; recommendations in WESS provided seven decades ago seem remarkably pertinent as the world currently struggles to regain high levels of employment and economic activity. Thus, in many ways, WESS was ahead of the curve on many substantive issues. Publication of this volume will enhance the interest of the wider community of policymakers, academics, development practitioners, and members of civil society in the analytical work of the UN in general and UN-DESA in particular.


Author(s):  
Caroline Fleay

Throughout the past forty years various leaders from both major political parties in Australia have categorized the arrival by boat of people seeking asylum as a “crisis” and the people themselves as “illegal.” This is despite Australia being a signatory to the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, and receiving relatively few people who seek asylum compared with many other countries. Punitive government policies and processes have further reinforced these representations, such that “crisis” and “illegal” can now be understood as both categories of analysis and practice. The repeated use of such categories may be helping to produce and reproduce prejudice and racism and obscure the needs and experiences of people seeking asylum.


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