Ahead to '81: A Greater U.S.-Israel Storm

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-5
Author(s):  
Mark A. Bruzonsky

Another presidential election looms—and American Middle East policy is again subordinated for about a year to the political circus mandated by American-style democracy.For Israel this American election is more crucial than ever. Economically desperate, Israel relies on an American umbilical cord, now weakening. The Jewish state's political isolation could become psychologically unbearable if U.S. Government attitudes begin shifting even as far as have those of Western Europe—which, for the first time, is a real possibility. Israel's strategic/military position, with or without the West Bank, is largely a function of American arms and perceived American determination. And most crucially, in the longer run, basic American public attitudes toward Israel will bp heavily influenced by the tone and content of the incoming administration.

Author(s):  
Serhiy Blavatskyy

It has been attempted to make an empirical study of the framing of the Jewish pogroms upon the Ukrainian terrains in 1919 in the Ukrainian press in the West European languages in Europe (1919―1920s). For the first time, in the communication and media studies discourses, there have been elicited new, previously unknown, findings of specificity of the framing of the Jewish pogroms in the Ukrainian foreignlanguage periodicals. Those were: «Bulletiner fra det Ukrainske Pressburo» (Copenhagen, 1919—1920s), «La Voce dell “Ucraina”» (Roma, 1919—1920s), «The Ukraine» (London, 1919—1920s), «Bureau Ukrai nien de Presse: Bulletin d’Informations» (Paris, 1919—1920s), «France et Ukraine» (Paris, 1920), «L’Europe Orientale» (Paris, 1919—1920s), «Die Ukraine» (Berlin, 1918—1926s). First, it has been elucidated that the «attribution of responsibility» frame was dominant in the content of the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Western Europe. Second, the conclusion about dialectic of the frames of «attribution of responsibility» and «morality» in the coverage of the Jewish pogroms upon the Ukrainian terrains has been made. In this regard, we conclude that the «morality» frame was connected with the internationalization of this problematic in the geopolitical discourse of international relations of the postwar period. On the contrary, the frame of «attribution of responsibility» was linked to localization of the Jewish question in the multilateral conflict on the Ukrainian territories in 1919. The main conclusion of this paper is that the coverage of the Jewish pogroms in the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe was made primarily in counterpropaganda purposes. The follow-up studies are to make a comparative study of the stereotypes about Jews’ perception in the Ukrainian-language press both in Ukraine and abroad (in Europe or the USA), as well as in the West European and American press of the Ukrainian Revolution period (1917―1921s). Thus, these future studies will either refute or confirm the validity of the findings and conclusions of this research. Keywords: framing, the Jewish pogroms, the Ukrainian terrains, the foreign-language press, Europe.


1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold H. Green

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries religion continued to play an obvious role in the Middle East. Among observers of that area the significance of the impact of religion on political development was consequently never minimized to the extent that it was among observers of political trends in the West. Western scholars interested in the Middle East, however, have tended to overrate the importance of the Muslim modernists with whom they felt a certain affinity. They also have accepted too uncritically the views of modernists concerning the lifelessness of traditional expressions of Islam. As a result, not until recently have we begun sufficiently to appreciate traditional Muslim religious leaders both for their impact on and for the diversity of their responses to modern political and intellectual currents. I believe that this diversity is not accidental but rather is susceptible to analysis and explanation. This essay demonstrates how four variables (historical circumstances, theological considerations, socioeconomic considerations, and governmental policies toward Muslim religious leaders) affected the political involvement of the Islamic ulama throughout the Middle East generally and in Tunisia particularly during the ‘liberal age’.


1991 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-592
Author(s):  
David Nicholson ◽  
Anthony Parsons ◽  
Oliver P. Ramsbotham ◽  
John Barnes ◽  
Michael Cox ◽  
...  

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (8) ◽  
pp. 1011-1039 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabab El-Mahdi

In 2004-2005, for the first time in more than five decades, Egypt witnessed the rise of a protest movement calling for the end of one-party rule. In 1 year, Egypt witnessed more oppositional demonstrations, rallies, and the organization of nonviolent dissident groups than it has seen in the previous 25 years. However, the outcome of this mobilization in terms of democratic opening remained limited and, some argue, negligible. Using social movement theory, which has been unduly ignored by students of democratic transition in the Middle East, and data from fieldwork, the article analyzes the rise, limitations, and potentials of this prodemocracy movement in Egypt. The article argues that changes in the political opportunity structure and relatively successful cultural framing and mobilizing structures pushed for the rise of this movement, but shortcomings on these same fronts limited the movement's expansion and concomitantly, its direct impact.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 144-161
Author(s):  
Jerzy Juchnowski ◽  
Agnieszka Pieróg

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a European power:  The system and social factors Central and Eastern Europe is viewed by the West as a peripheral region which is the object of political bargaining among different powerful countries. However, the Poland of the Jagiellonian era deserves the name of a regional power. The Polish-Lithuanian Federation constituted the basis for the system which was republican and monarchical at the same time and which was unusual in Western Europe. From the 14th to the 16th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was working towards its strong position in the region. In relations with the Vatican, Poland maintained its extensive autonomy. It was the 17th century that brought the regress which resulted from the evolution of the political system in the direction of noblemen’s oligarchy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Korobkov ◽  
Zhanna A. Zaionchkovskaia

Following a short-term burst of migration activity after the dissolution of the USSR, the current situation is marked by the unusually low population territorial mobility, defined by both the political and, increasingly, the socioeconomic factors. While this trend indicates some degree of minority accommodation, it also demonstrates the depth of economic crisis and increasing socioeconomic differentiation. Visible also is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a ‘‘bridge’’ for those attempting to reach Western Europe. Meanwhile, Russia still lacks an effective legislative base, institutional mechanisms, and political will for dealing with the new migration flows.


Author(s):  
Augustus Richard Norton

This chapter assesses the critical issue of political reform in the Middle East. The Arab world has been slow to respond to the global processes of democratization. The chapter then highlights the political economy of states, the persistence of conflict, regime type, and the ambiguity over the relationship between democracy and Islam. This relationship is not necessarily a contradictory one. Islamic discourse is marked by participation and diversity rather than by rigidity and intolerance. Further, as the Arab Spring has illustrated, civil society is vibrant and growing in many states across the region. Meanwhile, responses from the West to political reform have been lukewarm, with stability and regional alliances privileged over democracy. The evidence from the region, even before the Arab uprisings, is that peoples want better and more representative government, even if they remain unclear as to what type of government that should be.


2020 ◽  
pp. 246-276
Author(s):  
Nikolaus Leo Overtoom

This chapter emphasizes the efforts of Mithridates II to consolidate and expand his power and prestige to establish the Parthians as an unrivaled imperial force. Through a determined war against the Central Asian tribal confederations, Mithridates emerged as the savior of the empire. After restoring the eastern frontier, he turned his attention to expanding Parthian power and influence over the remaining Hellenistic rivals to the west, particularly Armenia and the dwindling Seleucid state. Mithridates utilized diplomacy and military force to dominate these rivals, expanding the network of vassal kings under his authority and taking the title “King of Kings.” The hegemonic campaign he began against the Seleucids eventually culminated in the temporary submission of the Seleucids to Parthian dominance under his immediate successors, ending a century-and-a-half-long rivalry. In the late second and early first centuries, Mithridates established the Parthians for the first time as the undisputed masters of the Hellenistic Middle East.


1997 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 63-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurus Reinkowski

In this paper I will discuss the options of political identity the Lebanese have at their disposal against the background of the German experience. Germany and Lebanon, states at first glance completely different from each other, show some similarity in their historical experience. In the context of this comparison I will discuss constitutional patriotism, a political concept in circulation in Germany over the last fifteen years or so, and its potential application in the Lebanese case. Constitutional patriotism, unlike many other concepts originating in the West, has yet not entered the political vocabulary of the Middle East. The debate on democracy and the civil society is widespread in the whole of the Middle East, including Lebanon. Lebanon's political culture, polity and national identity, however, show some peculiar traits that might justify the introduction of the term constitutional patriotism into the Lebanese political debate.


Author(s):  
Irina Smirnova ◽  
Ritta Butova

Russian Palestine is not only a unique religious phenomenon that encompasses a complex infrastructure of Russian churches, monasteries, lands and farmsteads, but also the political, spiritual, scientific and humanitarian presence of Russia in the Holy Land in its entirety. That is, the writings by the Russian diplomats, officials of consulates and embassies, representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church (Mount of Olives Ascension Monastery, Gorny Convent and Gethsemane monastery, clerical pilgrims), the royal family and the ruling elite (august pilgrims, benefactors, governors of the Middle East policy), figures of the Palestinian Committee (1859–1864), the Palestinian Commission (1864–1889), the Russian Orthodox Mission in Jerusalem (1847–2010), the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (1882), pilgrims and travellers of the 19th–20th centuries, writers, artists, architects and orientalists. The study’s goal is to bridge significant gaps in the national historiography by presenting the most complete overview of the history, heritage, and contributions of Russia and Russian people to the culture of the Orthodox East – the present-day peoples of Israel and Palestine. As part of these studies, the authors will issue an academic compendium of Russian institutions and public figures who have contributed to strengthening ties between Russia and the Middle East.


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