scholarly journals Państwo polsko-litewskie europejskim mocarstwem. Uwarunkowania ustrojowo-społeczne

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 144-161
Author(s):  
Jerzy Juchnowski ◽  
Agnieszka Pieróg
Keyword(s):  
Social Factors ◽  
Political System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Peripheral Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Strong Position

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a European power:  The system and social factors Central and Eastern Europe is viewed by the West as a peripheral region which is the object of political bargaining among different powerful countries. However, the Poland of the Jagiellonian era deserves the name of a regional power. The Polish-Lithuanian Federation constituted the basis for the system which was republican and monarchical at the same time and which was unusual in Western Europe. From the 14th to the 16th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was working towards its strong position in the region. In relations with the Vatican, Poland maintained its extensive autonomy. It was the 17th century that brought the regress which resulted from the evolution of the political system in the direction of noblemen’s oligarchy.

Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Secular Institution ◽  
The Government ◽  
Academic Discourses

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

From Parliament to Courtroom

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Jan Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

The Czech Constitutional Court has gained a strong position within the political system. This article examines the judicial review of legislation from the point of view of the relation between the court and the parliament. The authors analyze trends in the use of petitions proposing the annulment of statutes, who makes use of the petitions, how successful the petitioners are, and what issues the petitions concern. The article pairs a quantitative view with a qualitative analysis of key selected decisions by the court, especially in the sphere of mega-politics. The authors test whether judicial review of legislation serves as a tool for parliamentary opposition. The results show the decisive effects of a legislative majority in the lower house of the parliament. If the government lacks a majority, the use of judicial review of legislation as an oppositional tool fades. Also important is the weakness of the upper house, which makes senators more likely to resort to using judicial review of legislation. An especially crucial factor is the presence of independent and semi-independent senators who, without broader political backing, see judicial review of legislation as a welcome tool. The most frequent topics of the petitions were transitional justice, social policy, and the legislative process.

The Political Attitudes of Senior Civil Servants in Western Europe: a Preliminary Report

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Putnam
Keyword(s):  
Preliminary Report ◽  
Political System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Civil Servants ◽  
The Political ◽  
Technical Expertise ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Literal Sense ◽  
Available Information

Can there really be much doubt who governs our complex modern societies? Public bureaucracies, staffed largely by permanent civil servants, are responsible for the vast majority of policy initiatives taken by governments. Discretion, not merely for deciding individual cases, but for crafting the content of most legislation has passed from the legislature to the executive. Bureaucrats, monopolizing as they do much of the available information about the shortcomings of existing policies, as well as much of the technical expertise necessary to design practical alternatives, have gained a predominant influence over the evolution of the agenda for decision. Elected executives everywhere are outnumbered and outlasted by career civil servants. 1 In a literal sense, the modern political system is essentially ‘bureaucratic’ – characterized by ‘the rule of officials’.

scholarly journals The Nationalization of the Elite in Russia in 2010-Ies as an Element of Political System Insurance in Case of Realization of the Destructive Scenario

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
P. B. Salin
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Exit Strategy ◽  
The West ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Large Project ◽  
Governmental Management

The relevance of this topic is due to the forthcoming of the open stage of transit of the Russian political system, which will inevitably be accompanied by a change of generations of the political elite. It raises the question of what “exit strategy” exists for the existing elite, which is now at the levers of governmental management. It will have a decisive influence on the course and outcome of the transit of the political system. The purpose of this article is to analyse the implementation of the government’s strategy for the nationalisation of the elite, which is carried out in the 2010s, to assess its progress, limitations and problems it faced. The article deals with the Russian experience of nationalisation of the elite of the last seven years, both in terms of changes in legislation and, most importantly, law enforcement and political practice. The author placed particular emphasis on the existing limitations of this project — lack of “exit strategy” of the current elite and lack of a large project that could mobilise the elite. The author concludes that the events of 2014 and the ensuing confrontation with the West have done much more to nationalise the elite than the purposeful efforts of the authorities for two years before. However, the political practice has not yet answered the key question — what will be the second stage of nationalisation of the elite, which will be completed by 2022–2024.

scholarly journals Democratic institutes in the countries of the Arab East: features of development and transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Islam Almughid
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Former Ussr

The article examines the leading centers of democratic transformation in Arab countries and the formation of an institutional base for democratization processes. It is emphasized that the parameters of the political system of the Arab East are comparable to the some countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the former USSR, which reveals a problem beyond the limits of purely regional research. The attention has been focused on the socio-cultural specificities of the Arab countries as a factor requiring special attention to consider the social environment of the political system, which affects the organization of power and the specifics of political participation. It is noted that such traditional democratic institutions as active political participation, political leadership, and public activity should be considered through the prism of the traditional guidance of political Islam. It is argued that attempts to realize their own model of modernization of the political system are faced with the failure of political institutions. It is substantiated that in the Arabian countries the level of representation and realization of social interests of citizens has proved to be insufficient. The importance of the national Arab model of political adaptation of society to the conditions of globalization is considered.

Is Democracy Possible in Russia?

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Andrei Val’terovich Grinëv
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
The Past

Abstract This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.

The changes in the migration patterns in the post-Soviet states: the first decade

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Korobkov ◽  
Zhanna A. Zaionchkovskaia
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Migration Activity ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
Migration Patterns ◽  
Migration Flows

Following a short-term burst of migration activity after the dissolution of the USSR, the current situation is marked by the unusually low population territorial mobility, defined by both the political and, increasingly, the socioeconomic factors. While this trend indicates some degree of minority accommodation, it also demonstrates the depth of economic crisis and increasing socioeconomic differentiation. Visible also is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a ‘‘bridge’’ for those attempting to reach Western Europe. Meanwhile, Russia still lacks an effective legislative base, institutional mechanisms, and political will for dealing with the new migration flows.

A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195
Author(s):  
Maciej Olejnik
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
International Level ◽  
The West ◽  
Organizational Demands ◽  
The Government

Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.

scholarly journals FRAUD DIAMOND TERHADAP FINANCIAL STATEMENT FRAUD

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Zulham Al Farizi ◽  
Tashadi Tarmizi ◽  
Susan Andriana
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Political System ◽  
Financial Statement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Statement Fraud ◽  
The West ◽  
West Kalimantan ◽  
Business People ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Potential Risks

This study aims to examine the effect of diamond fraud on financial statement fraud: an empirical study in the west kalimantan province, both partially and simultaneously. Fraud can occur in every country with different types and frequencies, because there are still potential risks of corruption in the political system that hasn’t changee. In addition, there are indications of suspicious relation between politicians and business people who explain that bribery and corruption are still present in the indonesian political system. Fraud Diamond’s research results on the financial statement fraud: empirical study in west kalimantan, shows that partially external presure and opportunity affect the financial statement farud, while rationalization and capability doesn’t affect the financial statement fraud. In addition, simultaneously external presure, rationalization, opportunity, and capability affect the  financial statement fraud of 86,4%, while the remaining 13,6% is influence by other variables not examine in this study

scholarly journals Het beeld van Midden- en Oost-Europa in Nederlandse literaire non-fictie

Werkwinkel ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Jo Sterckx
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Reading Public ◽  
Literary Nonfiction ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Dutch Literature ◽  
Eastern European Countries

Abstract Over the last 20 years, literary nonfiction has become increasingly popular among the Dutch reading public. Thanks to increasing sales, translations and literary awards the genre achieved a strong position in Dutch literature. This article analyzes the image of Central and Eastern European countries in Dutch literary nonfiction of the last ten years (2004-14). It searches for characteristics of an orientalist and balkanist discourse and the presence of the imagological centre-periphery model in the works of Geert Mak, Jelle Brandt Corstius, Olaf Koens, Joop Verstraten and Jan Brokken. Contemporary Dutch literary nonfiction contains a euro-orientalist discourse. Characteristics such as underdevelopment, hedonism, obscurity and authenticity are projected on Central and Eastern Europe, which is put in the periphery of Western Europe.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document