The State, the Voluntary Sector and New Developments in Provision for the Old of Minority Racial Groups

1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Blakemore

ABSTRACTIn many urban communities the fastest-growing groups of old people are those from the various minority racial and ethnic groups. This paper reviews the progress of a range of the new services, clubs and social centres which have been recently developed to meet the needs of the minorities. The services are examined in terms of their objectives, degree of specialisation (by ethnic group, gender and age) and adequacy of resources. As most of these projects have been initiated by voluntary groups and have experienced difficult development problems, the implications of this pattern of growth are assessed. In particular, reasons for the lack of sustained support from government and statutory organisations are discussed. Racial disadvantage affects all the minority groups, though different ethnic groups appear to be developing different strategies for the care of the old. However, prospects for either fully developed alternative services for the minorities or for multicultural services appear to be bleak in the forseeable future.

1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
J R Wolch

A range of questions about the urban voluntary sector is discussed. These questions involve the often contradictory relationships between this sector and population welfare, social structure, and economic development in US cities. The functional linkages between public, private, and voluntary sectors are also considered. Recent political claims that an increase in voluntary activity can substitute for public action are shown to be unwarranted because of the structural reliance of the voluntary sector both on the state and on the market.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abraham P. Buunk ◽  
Pieternel Dijkstra

Given the importance of interethnic intimate relationships for the integration of minority groups, the present study examined attitudes toward marriages and sexual relationships with in-group and out-group members among young second-generation immigrants in the Netherlands compared with the Dutch. A sample of 95 ethnically Dutch, 68 Moroccan, and 68 Turkish individuals aged between 15 and 25, living in the Netherlands filled out an online questionnaire. Overall, individuals showed a preference for a marital partner from the same ethnic group as themselves, but a less pronounced preference for a sexual partner from their own ethnic group. Turkish and Moroccan, but not Dutch, men would rather engage in a sexual relationship than in a marriage with a Dutch woman, and rather in a marriage than in a sexual relationship with a woman from their own ethnic group. In contrast, women, especially Moroccan women would rather engage in a marriage than in a sexual relationship, preferably with someone of their own ethnic group. Finally, the more religious they were, the more Turkish and Moroccan women preferred a marital partner from their own ethnic group. Findings are discussed in the light of the integration of different ethnic groups in society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rafiullah Khan

Abstract Since its inception, Pakistan has faced challenges of ethnic-nationalism from her ethnicities. State efforts to mold these diverse identities into one communal Muslim identity have been continually resisted by the different nationalities comprising Pakistan. The demands of ethno-national movements have fluctuated between independence and autonomy, depending upon the relation between the state and the respective ethnic group. Sometimes the demand for autonomy has expanded into a desire for independence, as was the case with Bengali ethnic nationalism. At other times, the desire for independence has shrunk to a demand for autonomy, as manifested by Pashtun nationalism. This shift is explicated through the relationship between the state and ethnic groups. The author analyzes this shift through the prism of Paul Brass’s instrumental theory of elite competition. The factors that contributed to the success of Bengali nationalism in achieving statehood and the failure of Baloch nationalism to do so are viewed through Ted Gurr’s concept of relative deprivation. The integration of Sindhi and Pashtun ethnic groups into the state structure is explained via Andreas Wimmer’s notion of ownership of the state.


Author(s):  
Hayder Abdalla Hashim ◽  
Najah AL‑Sayed ◽  
Ayah AL-Qaisi ◽  
Feras Abed AL-Jawad ◽  
H. Al-Husain

Aims: The objectives of the present study were to establish Tweed facial triangle norms in Qatari and to compare the result with Tweed norms and previous reported results in different racial groups. Material and method: The sample consisted of 89 lateral cephalometric radiographic radiographs, 75 patients were females and 14 were males with age range 18 to 25 years old (Mean 20.7. +/-2.3). Results: The result of the present study showed that the mean values of FMA 33.5 º +/- 6.2 º FMIA 52.8 º +/- 9.5 º angles and IMAP  94.5º +/- 8.8º were significantly higher than Tweed norms. The comparison with Black Brazilian and Bangladeshi indicated extremely statistically significant differences in FMA and IMPA angles whereas in Nepalese, extremely significant difference was observed in FMIA and FMA angles. Conclusions: Tweed’s Facial Triangle mean values were established for Qatari. However, Tweed facial triangle norms should be used only as a guide and not as an absolute value. Hence, using specific norms for specific race or ethnic group will help in providing more accurate diagnosis and treatment planning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-401
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Abstract The article focuses on the relation between the socio-legal status of national Orthodox Churches and their role in the legal, institutional and social ‘othering’ of Islam and ethnic groups of Muslims in three Balkans countries, namely, Bulgaria, North Macedonia and Serbia. The research reveals that the state-pursued construction of national identity and politics of belonging are expressly permeated by ethno-confessional nationalism, which is at the core of the deep-running tensions between the dominant ethnic group and the marginalized Muslims. There is an alliance between the political and the Church elites to keep ethnic groups of Muslim background either altogether outside the ‘national Us’ or at least at its outer margins.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
Yun Zhou

Abstract In conjunction with official government information and existing research literature, this article discusses ethnic group formulation in the censuses of China since 1953. Followed by an examination of concept of “ethnicity”, the research explores the purpose of the question included in the census, ways to answer the census question, and changes in number of official ethnic groups finalized until 1980s in China. To make a good study on ethnicity by census statistics, we have to understand the system of census taking on ethnicity in different countries. As a country with different minority groups, China is undergoing a social transformation and improving its census-taking. Ethnicity-related information collected in the census will play a more important role in the development of Chinese society.


2007 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucinda Platt

This paper examines the role of social class and ethnic group background in determining individuals’ social class destinations. It explores the extent to which these background factors are mediated by educational achievement, and the role of educational qualifications in enabling intergenerational class mobility. To do this, it uses the ONS Longitudinal Study. These data allow us to observe parents’ characteristics during childhood for a group of children of different ethnic groups growing up in England and Wales in the same period and who had reached adulthood by 2001. Results show that the influence of class background on these children's subsequent social class position varied with ethnicity: it was important for the majority, even after taking account of educational qualifications, but had a much smaller role to play for the minority groups. The minority groups made use of education to achieve upward mobility, but to greater effect for some groups than for others. Among those without educational qualifications, minority groups suffered an ‘ethnic penalty’ in relation to higher class outcomes; but for Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, this penalty persisted at all levels of education. These findings challenge the notion that a more equal society can be achieved simply through promoting equality of opportunity through education.


Author(s):  
Alon Harel

This chapter highlights hate speech, which is abusive speech that targets members of certain groups—typically minority groups—including racial groups, ethnic groups, religious groups, and groups defined on the basis of sexual orientation. Most groups protected by hate speech legislation are groups that have been subjected to past discriminatory treatment. However, the restrictions on hate speech legislation have often been expanded and the proper scope of the groups that deserve protection have been subject to a fierce debate. While much of hate speech can be legitimately prohibited by standard recognized legal exceptions to free speech, such as fighting words or incitement to violence, other forms of hate speech cannot. To address the prevalence of hate speech as such, many legal systems prohibit some forms of hate speech and impose criminal or civil sanctions for violating such prohibitions. Those systems need to address the serious challenge of defining the category of hate speech, draw its boundaries, and determine the sanctions. The chapter then explores the moral and political arguments for and against the legal regulation of hate speech as such or, at least, some sub-categories of hate speech.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine S Mele ◽  
David A Siegel

Faced with repression from a strong state, one might expect minority ethnic groups to attempt to assimilate into the dominant group to make themselves seem less threatening. However, this conceptualization of threat elides its tactical components. Oppressed minority groups, even under strong states, may engage in anti-state operations in order to reduce the repression they face, and these operations may succeed with greater likelihood the more they assimilate. Anticipating this, strategic states may be more likely to preemptively raise repression in the face of assimilation in order to reduce this threat. Our model formalizes this logic, illustrating that it can be optimal for the minority group to differentiate even when doing so is strictly detrimental to mobilization. Differentiation is more likely to obtain when increased repression is more costly to the group and when the group’s anti-state operations are more capable of compelling the state to substantially reduce repression.


Author(s):  
Richard Harris ◽  
Ron Johnston

The Casey Review cites a study by the think-tank Demos that shows the majority of ethnic minority students attend schools where ‘minority’ groups are in the majority. That statistic is correct but too easily misinterpreted. Only White British students typically are in a school where their own ethnic group forms a majority; for most ethnic minority pupils the largest group they will encounter at school is also the White British. The exceptions to this are the Bangladeshi and Pakistani groups, and more so in primary than in secondary schools. Nevertheless, the overwhelming trend is that schools are becoming more ethnically diverse with an increased potential for pupils to be educated alongside pupils of other ethnic groups.


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