Native Troops in Colonial Armies: A Research Note on an Incident during the Bengal Army Mutiny of 1857-1858

Itinerario ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Roger N. Buckley
Keyword(s):  
Research Methodology ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Indian Nation ◽  
The Hill

In an article published in this journal (V (1981), 1), I argued that we will not be able to fully understand the political significance (if any) of the widespread eruption in John Company's Bengal Army in 1857, unless we hear from the “other side of the hill,” from the alienated sepoy officer and rank and file. In the interim we have heard principally from several senior British writers. And because of, for instance, a much flawed research methodology, they have reached unanimity in their analysis of the shock to British rule in India: it was simply a mutiny, one absolutely void of any organized political aims or expressions. The work of Thomas Spear is typical. He has this to say in his India: A Modern History concerning the question of the mutiny as a nationalist movement, a war of independence: “The view that the mutiny was a concerted movement against the British, a violent predecessor of Mahatma Gandhi's campaigns, overlooks the fact that there was then no Indian nation.” He adds: “The new classes with ideas of nationalism were then very few in numbers and they were wholly opposed to the movement.” Philip Mason added the weight of his distinguished reputation to this chorus of disbelievers, who appeared to cringe in retrospective horror at the thought that the good and faithful sepoy could harbor such hideous–and ungrateful–thoughts as freedom from (what was) alien tyranny. After all, Mason muses, did not every British writer up to the mutiny repeat the belief that the Indian soldier had no sense of nationalism? No, he concludes smugly, the Indian soldier had no national feeling until long after World War One. The sepoy was, then, nothing more than a mindless mercenary-child-robot. The mutiny, however, and the other disturbances among the native soldiery prior to 1857, would indicate that the British, then and now, never fully understood their Indian auxiliaries.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

The Shaping of a Nation: Palestinians in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel S. Migdal ◽  
Baruch Kimmerling
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
History Of

No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.

The State and the Jews: Reflections on Difficult Freedom

2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz
Keyword(s):  
Jewish People ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Second World ◽  
Do So

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.

Von der „Säuberung“ zum Generalpardon: Die Entnazifizierung der westdeutschen Wirtschaft

2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Ahrens
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Comprehensive Investigation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Nazi Past ◽  
The One

AbstractImmediately following World War II, the allied occupational powers started a process of denazifying West German business in more or less the same way as the political and administrative apparatus. Initial approaches to solve the task by a radical purge of highly incriminated company managers soon gave way to more extensive investigations of party members and Nazi sympathizers also on lower ranks. Denazification escalated into bureaucratic mass procedures and finally ended up in various forms of amnesty and pardon in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A key feature in this process was the successively growing participation of German actors like various commissions, chambers of commerce and the companies themselves. On the one hand, comprehensive investigation and punishment under a re-installed rule of law had to rely upon cooperation of German actors and their expertise on the reality of the Nazi past; on the other hand, the integration of business itself into denazification procedures allowed company managers to benefit from informational advantages. Focussing the interaction between denazification authorities and business in the three West German zones of occupation, the article argues that under the general conditions of economic reconstruction and democratization the degeneration from purge to pardon was hardly avoidable, but that nevertheless the effects of temporary punishments should not be underestimated.

Chandler and the American War Writers

War Noir ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 64-91
Author(s):  
Sarah Trott
Keyword(s):  
Detective Fiction ◽  
Crime Fiction ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Lost Generation ◽  
War Fiction ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter three considers the relationship between detective fiction and war fiction and the impact of one style upon the other to create a ‘war noir’. Taking examples from renowned World War One novels, it will demonstrate that the same disillusionment and despair prevalent in the work of the renowned Lost Generation is equally prevalent in Chandler’s novels. Reading his novels as a convergence of the war novel and crime fiction, one can reconsider Chandler’s work as a legitimate representation of society and the trauma of war.

The ‘report of a nightmare’: hallucinating conflict in the political and personal frontiers of Ulster during the IRA border campaign of 1920–22

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiachra Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Extended Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hallucinatory Experience ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Medical Superintendent ◽  
Personal Relations ◽  
Psychiatric Discourse

The influence of the ‘new psychology’ was less notable in early-twentieth-century Ireland than elsewhere. Nonetheless, the personal narratives of patients can be used to unravel the meaning of warfare and conflict. This chapter exploits a 1940 article published by the former medical superintendent of the Downpatrick District Asylum, Michael J. Nolan, of a ‘case of acute systematized hallucinosis’. His article provided a detailed journal account of an extended period of hallucination authored by a patient in the immediate aftermath of his disturbance during the War of Independence. Nolan’s article was also distinguishable by its focus on the actual substance of hallucinatory experience. The patient recounted a hallucinatory episode in which a battle took place in his sickbed between an army of cockroaches and an army of hairs. These phantasmagorical battalions clearly functioned as proxies for the participants of the ‘real’ conflict raging beyond the doors of the asylum. His hallucinations were also deeply coloured by his personal relations with, and violent impulses towards, two women, one Protestant and the other Catholic. This chapter critically analyses in an ethnographic frame this account of a hallucinatory episode and the psychiatric discourse which enfolded and structured it.

Turkey’s Forgotten Political Opposition: The Demise of Kadirbeyoğlu Zeki Bey, 1919–1927

2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander E. Balistreri
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
One Step ◽  
Social Conservatism ◽  
Member Of Parliament

This article encourages a reevaluation of the role of Anatolian Muslim merchants and notability in the Turkish nationalist movement after World War I. It offers the political career of Gümüşhane merchant Kadirbeyoğlu Zeki Bey (1884–1952) as one step toward such a reevaluation. Zeki is known to historians of Turkey for his seemingly unusual opposition: For a time, he was the only independent member of parliament under the Turkish single-party regime. Zeki was also one of the few outspoken opponents in parliament of abolishing the caliphate. But an examination of the reasons for Zeki’s persistent opposition shows that his background and platform were far from unique. This article first pinpoints the origins of Zeki’s political mobilization in the polarized environment of post-World-War-I Anatolia and explains his initial success in the Turkish nationalist movement. It then charts Zeki’s step-by-step alienation from this movement, from the Erzurum Congress to the last Ottoman parliament. Finally, it details Zeki’s “last hurrah”, the second Turkish parliament, where he championed causes dear to Anatolian Muslim merchants and notability: economic liberalism, social conservatism, civilian rule, and anti-authoritarianism. Zeki owed his initial success to his partisan neutrality and ties to the Ottoman social system, but the quickly changing dynamics of the Turkish nationalist movement soon made his opposition, and that of nationalists with a similar background, untenable.


Purified or Popular?

1950 ◽  
Vol 19 (57) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
W. R. Loader
Keyword(s):  
Formal Language ◽  
Spoken Language ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Previous Issue ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Language Problem ◽  
Law Courts ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Business Correspondence

In a previous issue of Greece and Rome (vol. xiii, June 1944) there appeared some remarks on the division of tongues which subsists in Greece to-day, the tongues specified being Katharevousa (‘Purified’ or ‘Purifying’ Greek), Demotiki (Popular Greek), and a newspaper language which is blended from the other two in varying proportions according to the linguistic tastes, and sometimes the political affiliations, of the newspaper proprietors. The territory controlled by the partisans of these rival idioms was also broadly sketched in the same number. ‘Katharevousa is the official and formal language, used in Government publications and statements, business correspondence, non-fictional books and treatises, law courts, University lectures (although not so much at Salonica as at Athens) and formal conversation.’ ‘Demotiki is the language of conversation, of song, of popular novels and periodicals (and also of most serious creative works of literature) and the spoken language of trade and business.’ And then the essay attempted to show the main characteristics of the two idioms and their respective relation-ships with classical Greek.Nothing, however, was said of the struggle for linguistic supremacy between Katharevousa and Demotiki, which has been one of the out-standing and most stimulating features of life in Greece since the time of the War of Independence. As a rule, political differences are the principal cause of internal dissension among the Greeks, but at more than one point during the last hundred years people were ready to believe that the language problem would oust politics from its post of honour as the predominant Hellenic interest.

The Rise of Nationalism in Colonial Africa: The Case of Colonial Malawi

1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger K. Tangri
Keyword(s):  
Social System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Group ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
African Society ◽  
Institutional Form ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
British Rule ◽  
The Relationship

The years of colonial rule in Malawi (formerly Nyasaland) were characterised by the imposition of a political and social system whereby a superior European authority attempted to exercise its will over a territory already populated by Africans. This enforced colonial relationship determined the pattern of political change within the Protectorate, so that any variation in the fundamentals of the relationship was bound to have important repercussions on the total colonial situation. From the earliest years of British rule in Malawi, Africans sought to modify or alter the colonial relationship and it is this sort of African sentiment and activity in reaction to alien control and domination that has come to be regarded as manifestations of nationalism not only in colonial Malawi but also in the other ex-colonial territories of Africa. Thomas Hodgkin, for example, has lumped under the general rubric of ‘nationalism’ “any organisation or group that explicitly asserts the rights, claims and aspirations of a given African society (from the level of the language-group to that of ‘Pan-Africa’) in opposition to European authority, whatever its institutional form and objectives”. Others, however, although appreciating the deep roots of nationalism have tended to confine the use of the term to the post-1945 period with its emergence of nation-wide movements seeking self-government and independence. They have argued that to include every social movement of protest against alien rule as a part of nationalism obscures the political meaning of the concept, blurs the important distinctions that can be made among African responses to the colonial situation, and makes comparative analysis difficult.

Habsburg Histories of Internationalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Glenda Sluga
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Economic Significance ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

This chapter explores points of ideological and institutional intersection in the Habsburg and Austrian past in the context of a new historiography of internationalism and studies of the League of Nations. Drawing from the expanding historiography of international ideas and institutions, on the one hand, and the uncollected evidence of people and politics of the Habsburg empire-cum-Austrian republic, on the other, its intention is to gauge the political, cultural, and economic significance of strands of the ‘new internationalism’ in the history of the Habsburg empire, and its afterlife. This is nowhere more obvious than in the persistent invocations, through the first half of the twentieth century, of the affinities between the post-First World War history of internationalism and Austria’s prewar experience with diversity and multi-nationality, and the persistent political and cultural ambitions attached to the specific idea of Weltösterreich.

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