scholarly journals The missing Other: a review of Linklater’sViolence and Civilization in the Western States-System

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. M. Ling

AbstractAs Andrew Linklater has shown, Europeans have decreased their tolerance for, or endorsement of, violence over the centuries. Various international and domestic conventions demonstrate the point. This accomplishment rightfully deserves celebration. But herein lies the rub. While Linklater recognises the role of imperialism and colonialism in perpetrating global violence, he does not grant equal opportunity to the Rest in contributing to the world’s new moral heights. Linklater assumes, for instance, that Las Casas never talked with indigenes to realise that they, too, warrant recognition as human beings; Catholic piety alone sufficed. The West thus towers in singular triumph, embedding International Relations (IR) in what I call Hypermasculine Eurocentric Whiteness (HEW). Still, the Other retains a sense of its Self. An effervescent spirit of play enables resilience and creativity toco-produceour world-of-worlds. Come out and play!, I urge. It’s time to shed IR’s ‘tragedy’ for the sparkle within.

2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 882-901
Author(s):  
Julia Gallagher

AbstractThis article draws on a Kleinian psychoanalytic reading of Hegel’s theory of the struggle for recognition to explore the role of international misrecognition in the creation of state subjectivity. It focuses on Ghana’s early years, when international relations were powerfully conceptualised and used by Kwame Nkrumah in his bid to bring coherence to a fragile infant state. Nkrumah attempted to create separation and independence from the West on the one hand, and intimacy with a unified Africa on the other. By creating juxtapositions between Ghana and these idealised international others, he was able to create a fantasy of a coherent state, built on a fundamental misrecognition of the wider world. As the fantasy bumped up against the realities of Ghana’s failing economy, fractured social structures, and complex international relationships, it foundered, causing alienation and despair. I argue that the failure of this early fantasy was the start of Ghana’s quest to begin processes of individuation and subjectivity, and that its undoing was an inevitable part of the early stages of misrecognition, laying the way for more grounded struggles for recognition and the development of a more complex state-subjectivity.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy ◽  
Nicholas J. Wheeler

This chapter examines the role of humanitarian intervention in world politics. It considers how we should resolve tensions when valued principles such as order, sovereignty, and self-determination come into conflict with human rights; and how international thought and practice has evolved with respect to humanitarian intervention. The chapter discusses the case for and against humanitarian intervention and looks at humanitarian activism during the 1990s. It also analyses the responsibility to protect principle and the use of force to achieve its protection goals in Libya in 2011. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with humanitarian intervention in Darfur and the other with the role of Middle Eastern governments in Operation Unified Protector in Libya in 2011. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether the West should intervene in Syria to protect people there from the Islamic State (ISIS).


Author(s):  
Olga Jastrzębska

Abstrakt: Polityka Rosji i jej obecnego prezydenta – Władimira Putina – wzbudza na świecie wiele kontrowersji, jednak z drugiej strony grupy wspierające działania państwa rosyjskiego, którego głównym celem jest odbudowa swojej silnej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej nie są zjawiskiem rzadkim. Swoje poparcie dla działań Moskwy wyrażają poprzez środki masowego przekazu, m.in. przez internet. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony będzie internetowym portalom, sprzyjającym polityce Moskwy, istniejącym w krajach Europy Środkowej – państw pogranicza Wschodu i Zachodu, przez długi czas będących częścią radzieckiej strefy wpływów, zaś obecnie integrujących się ze strukturami europejskimi. Praca postara się przedstawić najważniejsze treści prezentowane na tych stronach, stosunek do wzrastającego znaczenia Rosji w stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prób odzyskania pozycji mocarstwa (m.in. odniesienie do konfliktu ukraińskiego) a także w jaki sposób te portale i ich aktywność wpływają na procesy społeczno-polityczne, istniejące w tych państwach i czy witryny te mogą być aktywnym instrumentem wykorzystywanym przez Rosję w procesie kształtowania i prowadzenia działań określanych mianem wojny informacyjnej. Abstract: The current politics of Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin is considered as very controversial, but from the other hand many groups support the actions, which are concerned on increasing the strong position of Russia at the international area. Their advocacy for its policy is showed by many means of transitions like Internet. The main focus of this article will be interested in internet portals, which promote the Russian politics which exist in Central European countries like Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Mentioned countries exist on sui generis borderland of East and West. They were for many years parts of Soviet sphere of influence and now try to arrange their position in West European structures. Article will try to answer which type of contents can be found on this websites, their attitude to expanding role of Russia in international relations and Moscow's attempts for recupering the superpower status (like opinion about Ukrainian conflict) and in which way these portals and their activities can influence social and political processes, which are conducted in these states. At least article will mention how described websites can be used as active instrument in the process of shaping and carrying on movements which can be called as information war.


Author(s):  
Ulrike Gut

This chapter describes the history, role, and structural properties of English in the West African countries the Gambia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, the anglophone part of Cameroon, and the island of Saint Helena. It provides an overview of the historical phases of trading contact, British colonization and missionary activities and describes the current role of English in these multilingual countries. Further, it outlines the commonalities and differences in the vocabulary, phonology, morphology, and syntax of the varieties of English spoken in anglophone West Africa. It shows that Liberian Settler English and Saint Helenian English have distinct phonological and morphosyntactic features compared to the other West African Englishes. While some phonological areal features shared by several West African Englishes can be identified, an areal profile does not seem to exist on the level of morphosyntax.


Author(s):  
Iver B. Neumann

The diplomat is formed in certain socially specific ways, and is defined by the role they play within certain contexts in the field of international relations. Since it is human beings, and not organizations, who practice diplomacy, the diplomats’ social traits are relevant to their work. Historically, diplomats can be defined in terms of two key social traits (class and gender) and how their roles depend on two contexts (bureaucrat/information gatherer and private/public). Before the rise of the state in Europe, envoys were usually monks. With the rise of the state, the aristocracy took over the diplomatic missions. Nonaristocrats were later allowed to assume the role of diplomats, but they needed to be trained, both as gentlemen and as diplomats. From the eighteenth century onwards, wives usually accompanied diplomats stationed abroad, though by the end of the nineteenth century, a few women came to work as typists and carry out menial chores for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). As women became legal persons through performing such labor, they later became qualified to legally serve as diplomats. Meanwhile, in terms of context, the key context change for a diplomat is from “at home” (as in “my home country”) to “abroad.” Historically, work at home is the descendant of bureaucratic service at the MFA, and work abroad of the diplomatic service.


2018 ◽  
pp. 174-190
Author(s):  
Piotr Sobolczyk

The paper revises the biographical data about Michel Foucault’s stay in Poland in 1958-1959. The main inspiration comes from the recent very well documented literary reportage book by Remigiusz Ryziński, Foucault in Warsaw. Ryziński’s aim is to present the data and tell the story, not to analyse the data within the context of Foucault’s work. This paper fulfills this demand by giving additional hypotheses as to why Polish authorities expelled Foucault from Poland and what the relation was between communism and homosexuality. The Polish experience, the paper compels, might have been inspiring for many of Foucault’s ideas in his Madness and Civilization, Discipline and Punish, and The History of Sexuality. On the other hand the author points to the fact that Foucault recognized the difference between the role of the intellectual in the West and in communist countries but did not elaborate on it. In this paper the main argument deals with the idea of sexual paranoia as decisive, which is missing in Foucault's works, although it is found in e.g. Guy Hocquenghem.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Andrzej Kiepas ◽  

The article addresses selected problems related to the perspective on the development of Industry 4.0 and social and cultural changes that accompany this development and lead toward the so-called post-digital society. In the field of industry, the changes concern, among others, the functioning of various organizations, and in the perspective of post-digital society – human beings and their relations with the world of technology. These changes lead to an increase in the role of technological factors, hence the current revival of technological determinism, and this, in turn, has to do with questions regarding human subjectivity. In this context, questions regarding humans also revolve around the need to acknowledge their increasing capabilities and scope of freedom, and on the other hand, their loss of autonomy in relation to the world of technology.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Hashim Al-Eqapy ◽  
Basim Hashim Al-Majidi ◽  
Noor Ameer Al-Shukri

The architecture and its outputs are one of  the most relevant fields of knowledge with human beings and their daily life, and the fact that the architectural product represents the architectural vision that which is trying to deliver to the society through the architectural images of various projects, which should be perceived by the eye and trying to interpret them, so the research aims to study the vision generated by the recipient, whether the vision of the designer himself when he sees his work as an architect, another designer acting as a critic, or those who are outside of architecture field, and how that vision that the designer wants to deliver can be transformed from single vision to a double vision about the architectural product. The problem of research was the lack of clear knowledge about the role of different intellectual visions of architectural schools in the compatibility and differing visions between the designer and the other designer or the designer and the recipient to produce a double vision in architecture. The research deals with the concept of vision in general in order to extraction a set of concepts that link the vision with the architecture, whether single or double, which can be reflected by the following elements: (the concept intended by the designer – the form and its treatments - the architectural reading). In other words, it starts with the designer vision or concept and depends on what he wants to deliver, and this leads the research to study the sources of ideas and architectural images which reflect the vision of the designer, which depends mainly on architectural schools and their role in the formulation of the designer thought, and then this will be applied to elected architectural projects belonging to different schools to reach  that there is a strong duplication of vision between the other designer and the product versus a partial duplication of vision between the designer and the  product  and between the recipient and the  product


Author(s):  
Luc Brisson

In the modern use, “bisexuality” refers to sexual object choice, whereas “androgyny” refers to sexual identity. In ancient Greece and Rome, however, these terms sometimes refer to human beings born with characteristics of both sexes, and more frequently to an adult male who plays the role of a woman, or to a woman who has the appearance of a man, both physically and morally. In mythology, having both sexes simultaneously or successively characterises, on the one hand, the first human beings, animals, or even plants from which arose male and female, and on the other, mediators between human beings and gods, the living and the dead, men and women, past and future, and human generations. Thus androgyny and bisexuality were used as a tools to cope with one’s biological, social, and even fictitious environment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 238-255
Author(s):  
Jonathan D. Caverley

Over the past decades of American-dominated International Relations, research on domestic sources of grand strategy has largely coalesced around the liberal ends of democracy and free trade. Given increasing Sino-American competition, this chapter predicts a turn to a more robust International Relations research program on the role that domestic ideas and material factors play in shaping grand strategy. This research will focus as much on the means of grand strategy as the ends. Much work already examines how democracy (and nondemocracy) can drive grand strategy, and important states in contemporary international politics differ on this front. On the other hand, almost all the major powers in the international system remain quite liberal in their international economic relations—the other concern of research on domestic influences on grand strategy. This chapter delves further into the grand-strategic role of regime type and the form of capitalism practiced within the state. It then suggests two additional under-researched domestic-level factors—militarism and nationalism—that will shape grand strategy in the coming years.


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