scholarly journals PROROSYJSKIE PORTALE INTERNETOWE W POLSCE I INNYCH KRAJACH EUROPY ŚRODKOWEJ JAKO ISTOTNY ELEMENT KSZTAŁTOWANIA PROWADZONEJ PRZEZ ROSJĘ WOJNY INFORMACYJNEJ

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Jastrzębska
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Central European ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Internet Portals ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Abstrakt: Polityka Rosji i jej obecnego prezydenta – Władimira Putina – wzbudza na świecie wiele kontrowersji, jednak z drugiej strony grupy wspierające działania państwa rosyjskiego, którego głównym celem jest odbudowa swojej silnej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej nie są zjawiskiem rzadkim. Swoje poparcie dla działań Moskwy wyrażają poprzez środki masowego przekazu, m.in. przez internet. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony będzie internetowym portalom, sprzyjającym polityce Moskwy, istniejącym w krajach Europy Środkowej – państw pogranicza Wschodu i Zachodu, przez długi czas będących częścią radzieckiej strefy wpływów, zaś obecnie integrujących się ze strukturami europejskimi. Praca postara się przedstawić najważniejsze treści prezentowane na tych stronach, stosunek do wzrastającego znaczenia Rosji w stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prób odzyskania pozycji mocarstwa (m.in. odniesienie do konfliktu ukraińskiego) a także w jaki sposób te portale i ich aktywność wpływają na procesy społeczno-polityczne, istniejące w tych państwach i czy witryny te mogą być aktywnym instrumentem wykorzystywanym przez Rosję w procesie kształtowania i prowadzenia działań określanych mianem wojny informacyjnej. Abstract: The current politics of Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin is considered as very controversial, but from the other hand many groups support the actions, which are concerned on increasing the strong position of Russia at the international area. Their advocacy for its policy is showed by many means of transitions like Internet. The main focus of this article will be interested in internet portals, which promote the Russian politics which exist in Central European countries like Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Mentioned countries exist on sui generis borderland of East and West. They were for many years parts of Soviet sphere of influence and now try to arrange their position in West European structures. Article will try to answer which type of contents can be found on this websites, their attitude to expanding role of Russia in international relations and Moscow's attempts for recupering the superpower status (like opinion about Ukrainian conflict) and in which way these portals and their activities can influence social and political processes, which are conducted in these states. At least article will mention how described websites can be used as active instrument in the process of shaping and carrying on movements which can be called as information war.

scholarly journals The missing Other: a review of Linklater’sViolence and Civilization in the Western States-System

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. M. Ling
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The West ◽  
Las Casas

AbstractAs Andrew Linklater has shown, Europeans have decreased their tolerance for, or endorsement of, violence over the centuries. Various international and domestic conventions demonstrate the point. This accomplishment rightfully deserves celebration. But herein lies the rub. While Linklater recognises the role of imperialism and colonialism in perpetrating global violence, he does not grant equal opportunity to the Rest in contributing to the world’s new moral heights. Linklater assumes, for instance, that Las Casas never talked with indigenes to realise that they, too, warrant recognition as human beings; Catholic piety alone sufficed. The West thus towers in singular triumph, embedding International Relations (IR) in what I call Hypermasculine Eurocentric Whiteness (HEW). Still, the Other retains a sense of its Self. An effervescent spirit of play enables resilience and creativity toco-produceour world-of-worlds. Come out and play!, I urge. It’s time to shed IR’s ‘tragedy’ for the sparkle within.

scholarly journals Misrecognition in the making of a state: Ghana’s international relations under Kwame Nkrumah

2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 882-901
Author(s):  
Julia Gallagher
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The West ◽  
Complex State ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
The One ◽  
Struggle For Recognition

AbstractThis article draws on a Kleinian psychoanalytic reading of Hegel’s theory of the struggle for recognition to explore the role of international misrecognition in the creation of state subjectivity. It focuses on Ghana’s early years, when international relations were powerfully conceptualised and used by Kwame Nkrumah in his bid to bring coherence to a fragile infant state. Nkrumah attempted to create separation and independence from the West on the one hand, and intimacy with a unified Africa on the other. By creating juxtapositions between Ghana and these idealised international others, he was able to create a fantasy of a coherent state, built on a fundamental misrecognition of the wider world. As the fantasy bumped up against the realities of Ghana’s failing economy, fractured social structures, and complex international relationships, it foundered, causing alienation and despair. I argue that the failure of this early fantasy was the start of Ghana’s quest to begin processes of individuation and subjectivity, and that its undoing was an inevitable part of the early stages of misrecognition, laying the way for more grounded struggles for recognition and the development of a more complex state-subjectivity.

The Domestic Sources of Grand Strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 238-255
Author(s):  
Jonathan D. Caverley
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
International Economic Relations ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
Domestic Sources ◽  
Almost All

Over the past decades of American-dominated International Relations, research on domestic sources of grand strategy has largely coalesced around the liberal ends of democracy and free trade. Given increasing Sino-American competition, this chapter predicts a turn to a more robust International Relations research program on the role that domestic ideas and material factors play in shaping grand strategy. This research will focus as much on the means of grand strategy as the ends. Much work already examines how democracy (and nondemocracy) can drive grand strategy, and important states in contemporary international politics differ on this front. On the other hand, almost all the major powers in the international system remain quite liberal in their international economic relations—the other concern of research on domestic influences on grand strategy. This chapter delves further into the grand-strategic role of regime type and the form of capitalism practiced within the state. It then suggests two additional under-researched domestic-level factors—militarism and nationalism—that will shape grand strategy in the coming years.

Separatists, state subjectivity, and fundamental ontological (in)security in international relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110456
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Sense Of Self ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
The Other ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Starting Point

Ontological security studies (OSS) in International Relations (IR) emphasize the role of identity, anxiety, and a sense of self in world politics. Yet suggesting that states act in certain ways because of ‘who they are’ also assumes that they are in fact states. In this article, I problematize the presupposition of state subjects in the context of separatist conflicts in which claims to statehood compete and overlap. Where unrecognized de facto states are pitted against their unyielding parent states, the two threaten each other’s very state personhood, thereby presenting a more radical challenge to their existence than traditional ‘physical’ and ‘ontological’ security threats. Separatist conflicts thus reveal a widely overlooked dimension of fundamental ontological security, provided by the constitution and recognition of states as such. Moreover, because of the exclusiveness of state subjects in the modern international order, any third parties attempting to resolve such conflicts inevitably face a meta-security dilemma whereby reassuring one side by confirming its claim to statehood simultaneously renders the other side radically insecure. Thus, rather than regarding particular state subjects as merely the starting point of quests for ontological security in international relations, they should also be understood as already their result.

scholarly journals Russia and Eurasia. Russian identity and prejudices of the West

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-199
Author(s):  
A. Giannotti
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The West ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Eurasian Region ◽  
Russian Identity

Over the last years, relations between Russia and the West have undergone a continuous deterioration in all major international scenarios, with Moscow playing a leading role from Eastern Europe to the Middle East. Western prejudices and lack of confindence toward Russia are not new and sink their roots well before the Revolution of 1917. They have been a constant of international relations for at least six centuries and still prevent true cooperation and understanding of the deepest motivations of Kremlin policies. In particular, western observers and policy makers seem to be unable to understand the peculiarities of the Russian identity and its eurasian dimension. This article proposes a brief analysis of the system of Russian-Western relations in the light of the so-called rusofobija, the Russian position in the Eurasian region with the geopolitical consequences of the USSR’s disintegration and the return to the role of great power under Vladimir Putin.

Anti-migrant, but not nationalist: Pursuing statist legitimacy through immigration discourse and policy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caress Schenk
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Western World ◽  
Host Society ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
International Migrants ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Despite increasingly securitized anti-migrant policies in Russia, President Vladimir Putin has been extremely cautious in his rhetoric about international migrants, avoiding overtly ethno-nationalist frames. By repeatedly emphasizing the role of migrants in development and their potential for integration, Putin has charted out a statist agenda, outlining how immigration can contribute to the state’s goals. This chapter analyses a series of Putin’s speeches, asking whether he employs the rhetoric of three common migration myths: ‘migrants take our jobs’; ‘migrants are culturally incompatible with the host society’; and ‘migrants represent a security threat’. While these myths are partially consistent with public opinion, they are not actively employed by the Kremlin. These findings temper the notion of an ‘ethnic turn’ in Russian politics and are especially surprising, given the current populist swing experienced throughout much of the Western world.

scholarly journals Ukrainian-Moldovan Relations in 1991-2014: Review of Domestic and Foreign Historiography

2017 ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Iryna Vyshnia
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Huge Number ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article analyses the main groups of scientific works in Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The main focus was made on dividing the existing historical researches into groups by their main object of study. Among them, one can distinguish the following ones: works reviewing the global and European political processes and the role of Ukraine and Moldova therein; the Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation with the EU and NATO; Ukraine’s and Moldova’s participation in the integration processes on the post-Soviet space; the bilateral Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation; the course and settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; political development of Ukraine and Moldova. Special attention is focused on the comparative analysis of the different perspectives of the Ukrainian, Moldovan (including Transnistrian), Russian and other authors on such issues as Transnistrian conflict, rapprochement of Ukraine and Moldova with the EU and NATO, the role of Russia in the Transnistrian conflict. The author underlines that the changes in political development of both countries, as well as those in the international relations greatly influenced the activity of researches surrounding bilateral relations of Ukraine and Moldova, so did they on such issues as Transnistrian conflict and the conflict in Donbas (Ukraine). It is concluded that even with numerous publications focused on Ukrainian-Moldovan relations existing, there is a huge number of unexplored issues in this category.

scholarly journals Shades of Gray in the War in Eastern Ukraine: ‘Neither War nor Peace’ Existence Zones, ‘Neither Truth nor Lie’ Silence Zones

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 166-187
Author(s):  
Maxim Bulyk ◽  
Irina Gridina
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Gray Zone ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Hybrid War ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
New Phenomena ◽  
Qualitative Characteristics

Abstract The concepts of ‘gray zone conflict’, as one of the new phenomena in the theory of international relations, are given considerable attention in modern strategic researches of analysts, in particular American ones (Hel Brands, Adam Elkus, etc.). The definition of ‘gray zone conflict’ by American political scientists coincides with the definitions of domestic scholars in outlining the hybrid war in general, and Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine in particular. At the same time, qualifying the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and the war in Eastern Ukraine as the sole concept of ‘gray zone’ shall be considered not to be entirely correct, since the scales tend to favor the definition of civil war, which is so advantageous to Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, the war in Eastern Ukraine has many shades of gray, which gives grounds to the use of the concept of ‘gray zone conflict’ on specific examples of the existence of real and imaginary gray zones (realities of existence and zones of silence) and to investigate their quantitative and qualitative characteristics, to determine the degree of the viral use of the gray zone of conflict by the state (as an object of aggression), which complicates its establishment. The possibilities/unacceptability of solving gray zone conflicts by “gray” methods are being outlined as well.

scholarly journals To ‘see’ is to break an entanglement: Quantum measurement, trauma and security

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 450-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
K M Fierke ◽  
Nicola Mackay
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Quantum Measurement ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Medical Physics ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Relationship

This article seeks to explore the quantum notion that to ‘see’ an entanglement is to break it in the context of an ‘experiment’ regarding the ongoing impact of traumatic political memory on the present. The analysis is a product of collaboration over the past four years between the two authors, one a scholar of international relations, the other a therapeutic practitioner with training in medical physics. Our focus is the conceptual claim that ‘seeing’ breaks an entanglement rather than the experiment itself. The first section explores a broad contrast between classical and quantum measurement, asking what this might mean at the macroscopic level. The second section categorizes Wendt’s claim about language as a form of expressive measurement and explores the relationship to discourse analysis. The third section explores the broad contours of our experiment and the role of a somewhat different form of non-linear expressive measurement. In the final section, we elaborate the relationship between redemptive measurement and breaking an entanglement, which involves a form of ‘seeing’ that witnesses to unacknowledged past trauma.

The problem of mass media participation in "information wars" in the context of diplomatic work

2020 ◽  
pp. 37-41
Author(s):  
Y. V. Agafonova
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Global Information ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Media ◽  
Current Stage

The current stage in the development of international relations is characterized by an increase of the role of non-state actors, which, among other things, include the media. In diplomatic work, it must be borne in mind that the mass media, despite the lack of an independent status in world political processes, nevertheless make a serious contribution to the implementation of the foreign policy tasks of any countries and even form a political reality. Mass media create a global information space as a cross-border, interactive and rapidly updated environment. As a result, borders, barriers, bureaucratic restrictions, differences in languages, and other factors that had a certain impact on international relations are seriously losing their weight in modern world political processes.

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