Relational Indigenous systems: Aboriginal Australian political ordering and reconfiguring IR

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Morgan Brigg ◽  
Mary Graham ◽  
Martin Weber

Abstract Ontological parochialism persists in International Relations (IR) scholarship among gestures towards relational ontological reinvention. Meanwhile, the inter-polity relations of many Indigenous peoples pre-date contemporary IR and tend to be substantively relational. This situation invites rethinking of IR's understandings of political order and inter-polity relations. We take up this task by laying out necessary methodological innovations to engage with Aboriginal Australia and then showing how conventional and much recent heterodox IR seek to create forms of ‘escape’ from lived political relations by asserting the powerful yet problematic social science mechanism of observer's distance. This demonstrates a need to take Aboriginal Australia as a system on its own terms to speak back to IR. We next explain how Aboriginal Australian people produce political order on the Australian continent through a ‘relational-ecological’ disposition that contrasts with IR's predominant ‘survivalist’ disposition. The accompanying capacity to manage survivalism through relationalism provides an avenue for engaging with and recasting some of mainstream IR's survivalist assumptions, including by considering an Aboriginal approach to multipolarity, without attempting ‘pure escape’ through alternative ontologies. We thus argue that while it is necessary to critique and recast dominant IR, doing so requires putting dominant IR and Indigenous understandings into relational exchange.

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Fischer

The discipline of international relations faces a new debate of fundamental significance. After the realist challenge to the pervasive idealism of the interwar years and the social scientific argument against realism in the late 1950s, it is now the turn of critical theorists to dispute the established paradigms of international politics, having been remarkably successful in several other fields of social inquiry. In essence, critical theorists claim that all social reality is subject to historical change, that a normative discourse of understandings and values entails corresponding practices, and that social theory must include interpretation and dialectical critique. In international relations, this approach particularly critiques the ahistorical, scientific, and materialist conceptions offered by neorealists. Traditional realists, by contrast, find a little more sympathy in the eyes of critical theorists because they join them in their rejection of social science and structural theory. With regard to liberal institutionalism, critical theorists are naturally sympathetic to its communitarian component while castigating its utilitarian strand as the accomplice of neorealism. Overall, the advent of critical theory will thus focus the field of international relations on its “interparadigm debate” with neorealism.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jianwei Wang

This article traces the evolution of international relations studies as an academic discipline in China in the last two decades or so. Almost non-existent before the 1980s, IR studies has become an increasingly dynamic, sophisticated, and popular field of social science in both teaching and research. This is reflected in the growth of institutions, degree programs, scholarship and paradigmatic debate as well as interaction with the Western intellectual community in both theory and personnel. Nevertheless, the development of IR studies in China is still in its primitive stage and it must contend with various problems such as political control, a lack of well-trained scholars, inadequate funding, and ideational uncertainty.


1988 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Nicholson

The Economic and Social Research Council recently published a Report commissioned from a committee chaired by Professor Edwards, a psychiatrist, so that the Council, and the social science community in general, might know what was good and bad in British social sciences, and where the promising future research opportunities lie over the next decade. Boldly called ‘Horizons and Opportunities in the Social Sciences’, the Report condensed the wisdom of social scientists, both British and foreign, and concludes with a broadly but not uncritically favourable picture of the British scene.


Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

It has often been noted that the political claims of minorities and indigenous peoples are marginalized within traditional state-centric international political theory; but perhaps more surprisingly, they are also marginalized within much contemporary cosmopolitan political theory. In this chapter, I will argue that neither cosmopolitanism nor statism as currently theorized is well equipped to evaluate the normative claims at stake in many minority rights issues. I begin by discussing how the “minority question” arose as an issue within international relations—that is, why minorities have been seen as a problem and a threat to international order—and how international actors have historically attempted to contain the problem, often in ways that were deeply unjust to minorities. I will then consider recent efforts to advance a pro-minority agenda at the international level, and how this agenda helps reveal some of the limits of both cosmopolitan and statist approaches to IPT.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Sjoberg

This article argues anarchy is undertheorized in International Relations, and that the undertheorization of the concept of anarchy in International Relations is rooted in Waltz’s original discussion of the concept as equal to the invisibility of structure, where the lack of exogenous authority is not just a feature of the international political system but the salient feature. This article recognizes the international system as anarchical but looks to theorize its contours—to see the invisible structures that are overlaid within international anarchy, and then to consider what those structures mean for theorizing anarchy itself. It uses as an example the various (invisible) ways that gender orders global political relations to suggest that anarchy in the international arena is a place of multiple orders rather than of disorder. It therefore begins by theorizing anarchy with orders in global politics, rather than anarchy as necessarily substantively lacking orders. It then argues that gender orders global politics in various ways. It concludes with a framework for theorizing order within anarchy in global politics.


Author(s):  
Audra Simpson

This chapter explores the significance of Franz Boas's treatise on race and culture, The Mind of Primitive Man, attending to the text through a reading of its articulation of social ideals and their theoretical and political implications. Such a reading shows that Boas's work of 1911 was far from the revolutionary or paradigm-shifting text it has been hailed as. Instead, a set of conclusions emerge that require further conceptual and political attention, particularly regarding the dispossession of indigenous peoples. Rather than liberating indigenous people from colonialism The Mind of Primitive Man erases indigeneity. It establishes a dualistic binary regarding the value of cultural and bodily differences and their presumed vitality and value as well as their suitability for state and settler absorption. Its political use, then, remains in keeping a particular political order intact.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar

AbstractOn the Annual Press Statement of the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs 2017, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Retno LP Marsudi stated that Indonesia will accelerate the settlement of negotiations on the border issues of Indonesia with several neighboring countries including Timor Leste. Foreign Minister Retno also stressed that the settlement of Indonesia's border with Timor-Leste will be peaceful, without threat of violence, and with full respect for international law. This article seeks to understand the border dispute of the border areas of Indonesia-Timor Leste in international relations perspective. There are three strategies that Indonesia can implement to resolve this dispute. They are military confrontation, the use of formal institutions such as international organizations and the use of informal institutions such as norms, beliefs, ideas and values. The article argues that it is not enough to rely solely on international agreements to resolve the dispute between Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben, Indonesia needs to emphasize the importance of understanding the norms, beliefs, ideas and values of indigenous peoples living in disputed territories. It is expected that the use of formal and informal institutions can accelerate the settlement of dispute Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben.Keywords: land border dispute, Indonesia, Timor Leste AbstrakPada Pernyataan Pers Tahunan Menteri Luar Negeri Tahun 2017, Menteri Luar Negeri (Menlu) Retno LP Marsudi menyatakan bahwa Indonesia akan mempercepat penyelesaian perundingan masalah perbatasan wilayah Indonesia dengan beberapa negara tetangga, salah satunya adalah Timor Leste. Menlu Retno juga menekankan bahwa penyelesaian perbatasan Indonesia dengan Timor Leste akan dilakukan secara damai, tanpa ancaman kekerasan, dan dengan penghormatan sepenuhnya pada hukum internasional. Artikel ini berupaya memahami sengketa perbatasan wilayah perbatasan Indonesia-Timor Leste dalam perspektif hubungan internasional. Ada tiga strategi yang dapat ditempuh oleh Indonesia dalam rangka menyelesaikan sengketa ini yaitu konfrontasi militer, penggunaan institusi formal seperti organisasi internasional serta penggunaan institusi informal yaitu norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa untuk menyelesaikan sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben tidak cukup menggandalkan traktat / perjanjian internasional saja, Indonesia perlu lebih menekankan pada pentingnya pemahaman akan norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai dari masyarakat adat yang tinggal di wilayah sengketa tersebut. Niscaya penggabungan strategi pemanfaatan institusi formal dan informal tersebut dapat mempercepat penyelesaian sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben.Kata kunci: sengketa wilayah perbatasan darat, Indonesia, Timor Leste


Author(s):  
Mauro Salvo

The paper has the objective to distinguish the Central Bank of Brazil as an agent of the International Relations and to state that its actions, internal or external, have some political connotation due to the impossibility to disconnect the economic from the political. The paper also intends to demonstrate that democratization, globalization and the awareness of the need to increase the transparency of the financial, economic and political relations, besides the increase of the international cooperation, strenghtened both the international and domestic institutions or increased the urge for countries that wish to insert themselves globally to develop strong institutions, among them their respective central banks.


Author(s):  
Ana Elisa Monteiro Penteado

This article deals with the Convention on Biological Diversity, article 8 (j) in connection tothe national and local legislation to be enacted prior to article 8 (j) enforcement. It showsthat for legal protection of Indigenous Peoples’s intangible rights, land rights are to be resolvedby government and organisms devoted to land right claimed by Aboriginal Peoples.The experience of Australia through its recent colonization, decolonization and reviewof social values presented by Rudd Administration secured Indigenous Peoples rights. In conclusion, this article proposes a multi-action from historical, political, legal and jurisprudentialsources for article 8 (j) to be operative. 


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