X.—An Account of the Harmonies contrived by Nicholas Ferrar at Little Gidding

Archaeologia ◽  
1888 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.E. Acland-Troyte

Nicholas Ferrar, the designer of the works now under consideration, was born in the year 1592, in London, being the third son of Nicholas Ferrar, a merchant adventurer, who traded extensively both to the East and West Indies, and was on terms of great friendship with persons of eminence in the city. His mother was the daughter of Mr. Wodenoth, one of the ancient family of that name, of Savington Hall, in Cheshire. Both Mr. and Mrs. Ferrar were well known for their hospitality and generosity, and for their zealous support of the Church, as well as for the careful and religious ordering of their household.

1970 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 183-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Vickers

In a recent important article on the mosaics of the basilica of St. Demetrius at Thessaloniki, R. S. Cormack proposes a list of churches in the city with mosaics ‘for which a late fifth century date must be considered.’ The list comprises the Acheiropoietos basilica, the first phase of the basilica of St. Demetrius, and Hosios David. The purpose of this article is to show that the mosaics of the second phase of the Rotunda (now known as the church of St. George) should be included in Cormack's list.The first thing to note about the Rotunda mosaics is that there has been less than unanimity concerning the date of their construction. Volbach, Lazarev and Cormack, amongst others, follow Dyggve and Torp in dating the mosaics to c. 400 or slightly earlier; Diehl and Dalton dated them to the fifth century, Weigand to the sixth and Holtzinger to the seventh or eighth century, all on largely stylistic grounds. What are obviously needed are some objective dating criteria, and these are to be found, not so much in the mosaics themselves, but rather in the building fabric and the furniture of the converted Rotunda. The conversion of the Rotunda, incidentally, consisted of the blocking of an opaion in the cupola and the addition of an ambulatory, a monumental entrance to the south, an apse to the east (Plate XXIII) and various subsidiary buildings to east and west. The mosaics were placed in the cupola and in the niches which connected the main body of the Rotunda with the ambulatory.


2021 ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Jan Willem Drijvers

The Julian Romance is a work of historical fiction in Syriac. It offers a Christian perspective on the reigns of both Julian and Jovian, who in the text are presented as opposites. As regards Julian, the Romance is essentially a hatchet job, while conversely it glorifies Jovian. The Romance divides into three distinct narratives. The first narrative is short in its surviving form, but must originally have been longer because it concludes with the following words: “The celebration of the faith of Constantine and of his three sons who reigned after him is completed.” The second one I have called the Eusebius Narrative and describes at great length the many unsuccessful attempts of Julian to have Rome’s bishop Eusebius renounce his Christian conviction and become a venerator of the old gods. To that end, but also to be acknowledged as ruler of the entire empire by the city of Rome, Julian visits Rome. The third account, which I have entitled the Jovian Narrative, can be characterized as a narrative of war: war between Julian and the Christians, war between Rome and Persia, and in a sense Jovian’s war against Julian in order to protect Christianity and the Church. It is by far the longest of the three parts of the Romance and celebrates Jovian as the ideal Christian emperor. In this chapter the various narratives are introduced and a comprehensive summary is given of the Jovian Narrative.


2020 ◽  
pp. 162-173
Author(s):  
Duane W. Roller
Keyword(s):  

Despite the end of hostilities, before long matters drifted into a second war between Mithridates and the Romans, to a large extent started by Sulla’s legate L. Licinius Murena, who thought such aggression might yield him a triumph. Mithridates complained to Rome but did not receive a reply due to internal issues in the city. Yet there was little Roman support for another war, and Sulla, now the most powerful man in Rome, forced Murena to stand down. Mithridates had greater issues in mind, and he made an alliance in 74 BC with the Roman adventurer Sertorius, who was in Spain, with the thought of an attack on Italy from both east and west. This helped precipitate the third and final war between Mithridates and Rome.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridget Cherry

A revised and abridged record of the Annual Lecture of the Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain, given at the Courtauld Institute of Art, London, on 12 November 2012Two exceptional events in London in 2012, the queen’s Diamond Jubilee and the Olympics, provoked questions about the origins and legacy of major public events of the past. This article explores the impact on the fabric of London since the eighteenth century of occasional planned spectacles through discussion of two main types of event, namely the procession along a predetermined route and occasions requiring a large organized space.George, Elector of Hanover, succeeded to the throne as George I on 1 August 1714. The proclamation of a new monarch took place at a series of traditional sites. The Heralds started at the king’s residence, St James’s Palace, and proceeded to Charing Cross, where the statue of Charles I had replaced the medieval Eleanor cross destroyed in the Civil War. The third site, Temple Bar, marked the boundary of the City Liberties. Within the City the proclamation was repeated at St Mary le Bow and at the Royal Exchange — recent post-Fire buildings, but iconic sites — marking the significance of the Church and the power centre of the City merchants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 75 (300) ◽  
pp. 889
Author(s):  
Juliana De Mello Moraes

Síntese: A preocupação com a salvação das almas durante o século XVIII fazia parte da vivência dos católicos. Como outras instituições da época, a Ordem Terceira franciscana de São Paulo (SP/Brasil) inumava seus associados e possuía disposições a respeito dos ritos funerários, entre as quais, para garantir o bem morrer, destacavam-se: a utilização de mortalhas, a celebração de missas, o enterro no interior da igreja e a celebração anual em prol dos defuntos. Nesse sentido, a partir da documentação produzida no interior da associação são analisados os ritos fúnebres e os sepultamentos entre os irmãos terceiros, no intuito de lançar luz sobre alguns aspectos da vivência religiosa dos moradores de São Paulo, indicando também a relevância da Ordem Terceira franciscana no conjunto de associações da cidade.Palavras-chave: Ordem Terceira de São Francisco. Rituais fúnebres. Morte. São Paulo. Século XVIII.Abstract: Concern for the salvation of souls during the eighteenth century was part of the experience of Catholics. Like other institutions of the time, the Third Order of Saint Francis of São Paulo (Brazil), had provisions regarding funeral rites and buried its members. Among the provisions destined to ensure a good death stood out: the use of shrouds, the celebration of mass, burial inside the church and the annual celebration in favor of the deceased. In this sense, from the documentation produced within the association, we analyze the funeral rites and burials among the brothers of the Third Order of Saint Francis in order to shed light on some aspects of religious life of the inhabitants of São Paulo at that time, also indicating the importance of the Third Order of Saint Francis in the set of the city associations.Keywords: Third Order of Saint Francis. Funeral rites. Death. São Paulo-Brazil. Eighteenth century.


Millennium ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-226
Author(s):  
Arne Effenberger

Abstract The church of St. Romanus in the neighborhood of the Gate of St. Romanus of the Theodosian Land Walls was erected during the Theodosian era and existed until the late Byzantine period. Because of its crypt,which included a famous collection of relics (prophets and saints) the church was an important destination of the Christian pilgrimage. In the first part of this article I consider the written sources, liturgical data and the topographical situation regarding the church and the neighboring structures. The second part examines the location and the current state of the Gate of St. Romanus. Herein the unjustifiable assertions of M. Philippides and W. K. Hanak against the correct identification of the gate by N. Asutay-Effenberger are refuted. The third part deals with the crypts of the Byzantine churches and suggests that the crypt of the Church of St. Romanus was a substructure, which supported the building. The fourth part focuses on the cult of the two saints Elizabeth the Wonderworker and Thomaïs of Lesbos and considers the history of the women’s convent τὰ Mικρὰ Ῥωμαίου. This monastery near the cistern of Mokios was restored by the empress Theodora Palaiologina between 1282 and 1303 and consecrated to the Saints Cosmas and Damianus. The last section discusses some other churches and private properties in the vicinity of the Church of St. Romanus,which are mentioned in the late Byzantine written sources. They are all situated on the road leading from the gate of St. Romanus into the city. Today, only the Manastır Mescidi stands on this route, but it cannot be identified with any of these churches, which appear in the written sources.


Author(s):  
Edoardo Manarini

The third chapter deals with the dynamics of seignorial affirmation and strategies of power implemented locally by the descendant branches of the group in their respective areas of influence: the low Apennines and the plain around the city of Bologna, the area of Faenza in Romagna, the countryside around Florence and the Apennines between Tuscia and Emilia. Specific attention is devoted to kinship ties with the Canossa, demonstrated by a cluster of charters kept by the church of Pisa. The chapter proposes that despite the progressive affirmation and the development of each seigneurial rule in different patrimonial areas, the kinship network remained active, vital and connected until at least the beginning of the twelfth century.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-532
Author(s):  
Laird Easton

In August 1891, shortly before his graduation from the University of Leipzig and his subsequent departure on a trip around the world, Harry Graf Kessler visited the city that had become an icon of German culture in the nineteenth century. Weimar, vegetating in the long twilight years of Carl Alexander's reign, made an unfavorable impression on the young aesthete. At the church cemetery, thinking no doubt of the way England and France honored their great writers, he remarked, “I do not find the idea that the coffins of our two greatest poets should serve as the antechamber for all the princely nullities of the house of Weimar especially worthy—it reminds one a little too strongly of the Geheimen Hofrat.”


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 73-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenio Russo

Constantine was a Christian.  Of that there can be no doubt.  The surviving signs of paganism visible in Constantine are rather the result of his education and culture.  They in no way whatsoever constitute evidence for the continuing imperial worship of pagan divinities in the Constantinian period.  Examination of the literary sources and archaeological remains allows us to conclude that it is possible to recognize traces of the former Byzantium of Septimius Severus in the archaeological sites of the Strategion and a building beneath the Baths of Zeuxippos.  In AD 324-330, the city on the Bosporus underwent a radical revolution:  the city of Constantine went beyond the walls of the third century AD and it expanded to the west along the east-west axis.  The previous city within the third-century walls was completely undermined in its north-south and east-west axes; there arose a new diagonal axis running northeast/southwest, which departed from the column of the Goths and arrived at the Augustaion, at the Hippodrome, and at the Palace (all Constantinian constructions, with St. Irene included).  The centre of power (Palace-Hippodrome) was intimately linked to the Christian pole (St. Irene as the first cathedral and the pre-Justinianic St. Sophia that lay on the same axis and even closer to the Palace).  According to the Chronicon Paschale, the church of St. Sophia was founded by Constantine in AD 326.  The emperor deliberately abandoned the acropolis of Byzantium, and Byzantium was absorbed by the new city and obliterated by the new diagonal axis.  Constantinople is truly Constantine’s city.


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