Women's Participation in Village Autonomy in China: Evidence from Zhejiang Province

2009 ◽  
Vol 197 ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiajuan Guo ◽  
Yongnian Zheng ◽  
Lijun Yang

AbstractDrawing on the data collected from three surveys in China's Zhejiang province during the period from 1999 to 2006, this article attempts to examine women's political participation in village autonomy and village elections in China. The data show that while men and women have obtained a very similar level of self-awareness and motivation in terms of political participation, China's patriarchal system, embedded in various forms of mindset and political practice, continues to constrain rural women's political involvement in a substantial way. The gender gap remains and the proportion of rural women in local power structures is declining. The article explains both the similarities and differences between men and women in rural political participation, and identifies some major causes for the decline of women's share in grassroots leading positions. It shows that there is no causal linkage between economic development and the improvement of women's political participation, and that the lack of political and other systematic supports leads to the low proportion of women in local power structures.

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


1970 ◽  
pp. 17-30
Author(s):  
Lindsay J. Benstead

Women face a myriad of barriers to labor force participation in the Arab world, including discriminatory social attitudes which hinder their access to elected office (Norris & Inglehart, 2001). Scholars differ about why women’s empowerment lags behind in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Inglehart and Norris (2003a)argue that the gender gap in women’s political participation is explained by a dearth of democratic values, including support for women’s rights, which they show is lower in the Middle East and North Africa than in any other world region (Inglehart & Norris, 2003a; 2003b, p. 33). This belief is reinforced by data from the World Values Survey (1995-2007), in which respondents in 20 Muslim nations expressed negative stereotypes about women as political leaders.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Tanya Henderson ◽  
Camille Nelson ◽  
Zeina Chemali

Lebanon stands out in the Middle East for its relative political openness, religious freedom, and the academic and professional achievements of Lebanese women. Yet, paradoxically, it has one of the lowest rates of women’s political participation in the region. This paper is the result of an initiative undertaken by the Lebanese government in July 2012 to increase women’s political participation. Through this initiative, sex-segregated workshops on women’s political empowerment were held for male and female representatives of Lebanon’s political parties. The goal was to start a productive conversation that would ultimately lead to progress from the 2012 status quo of women constituting only three percent of the National Parliament of Lebanon. In this paper, we will describe the process and content explored during the women’s political empowerment workshops. Opportunities to affect change of the current level of women’s participation will be highlighted and conclusions will be drawn to aid similar initiatives.


Author(s):  
Ma. Rosario B. Tamayo

The study focused on women’s participation in electoral politics in the province of Batangas, their priority programs, the factors that impede their participation and the platform for action that Lyceum of the Philippines University-Batangas can propose to help increase women’s political participation in the province. Descriptive-correlational method was employed utilizing convenient sampling. Survey questionnaire and interview was utilized in data gathering. Respondents of the study are women politicians who won in the 2007 local election. Findings revealed that majority of women politician’s priority is health. They were recruited by political parties and their political experience is by being councilors in their respective areas. They believe that support of the community, family and personality are the factors for winning. Lack of financial resources and the type of electoral system as well as the lack of quota reservations are the socio-economic factors that impede women’s participation. On the other hand, the cultural and institutional factors include lack of party support including money and other resources and the lack of coordination and support from women’s organization and other NGO’s, how women are portrayed in media is believe to be the ideological and psychological factors that impede women’s participation in politics.   Keywords - feminism, politics, election


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 611-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Gottlieb ◽  
Guy Grossman ◽  
Amanda Lea Robinson

Policies designed to increase women’s representation in Africa are often motivated by the assumption that men and women have different policy preferences. This article finds that gender differences in policy priorities are actually quite small on average, but vary significantly across policy domains and countries. The study leverages this variation to show that the economic and social empowerment of women influences the size of gender gaps in the prioritization of two important domains. In particular, women’s participation in the labor force – an indicator of economic empowerment – narrows the gender gap in the prioritization of infrastructure investment and access to clean water, while social vulnerability widens the gap on prioritizing infrastructure investment. Finally, the article shows that the places where women and men have the most divergent policy preferences – and thus where formal representation is most important – are precisely the places where women are currently the most poorly represented and least active in formal politics.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. v-vi
Author(s):  
Hibba Abugideiri

With this issue of AJISS, we bring this volume to a close. This year hasbrought many changes to AJISS, not only in the scope of Islamic issueshighlighted within the articles, but also in the range of opinions articulatedby their authors. As a fourm for intellectual debates on issues relating toIslam, MISS strives to “push the intellectual envelope” of Islamic thought.No subject matter better reflects this attempt than the issue of women,which many articles in this issue analyze.In her article “Oikos/polis Conflict: Perspectives of Gender Feministsand Islamic Revivalists,” Zeenath Kausar examines the continuing debateon women’s political participation in order to demonstrate “how genderfeminists prefer women’s political participation at the cost of deconstructinggender and family, whereas contemporary Islamic revivalists “supportand encourage women’s political participation-but not at the expense offamily and the distinct identity of women.” After a brief survey of feministphilosophy and Muslim revivalist discourse, Kausar concludes that genderfeminists create an atmosphere of conflict between men and women, whileMuslim revivalists look at men and women as copartners in constructingcivilization.In questioning exactly this notion of copartnership between men andwomen, Hibba Abugideiri undertakes, in her “Allegorical Gender: TheFigure of Eve Revisited,” a discourse analysis of classical Islamic texts inorder to uncover how gender categories were constructed by classicalexegetes. By focusing on the figure of Eve, which “has not only definedthe identity of Muslim woman: it has also set the parameters for how thatidentity has been forged,” she questions the authoritative value and relevanceof the classical view of Eve for contemporary social demands.Underlying her Qur’anic rereading of Eve’s role in the parable of creationlies the goal of forging a new methodological approach to Islamic issuesthat need to be redressed, particularly in light of the current wave ofIslamic revivalism.Finally, in her review essay “Muslim Women’s Studies: Two Contributions,”Mohja Kahf engages in a critical analysis of two gender historiesthat interface nicely with Abugideiri’s study. Here, Kahf reviews two foraysinto the field of Muslim women’s studies that uncover the place of ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Agata Włodkowska

The article is part of the discussion on women’s political participation, their involvement in social movements and protests which are concentrated on the power shift and democratisation of the political system. The text focuses on the case study of Belarusian women’s participation in anti-regime and pro-democracy protests following the rigged presidential election of 9 August 2020.The aim of the article is to answer questions about the reasons for women’s involvement in the 2020 protests in Belarus and the methods of action used by them. The article also analyses the differences and similarities between the women’s protests in Belarus and pro-democracy protests oriented towards power change in other countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-207
Author(s):  
Brown Chomba

Issues to do with gender imbalances and inequality of women in general and single women in particular in the political arena and entrepreneurship are nowadays a burning issue in all the countries worldwide. This is a major aspect of modern democratic governance such that low levels of female participation in politics are a major concern worldwide. The steps were taken by the United Nations Convention on stopping all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and other international organizations have laid the concrete basis for the emergence of women’s participation in politics and entrepreneurship. In Lusaka, Zambia, women’s political participation is not proportional to the 50% of the country’s population which women represent, thereby not translating into equal representation in political leadership positions. The study employed questionnaires to collect data. The findings demonstrate that there exists a significant gender gap in the political participation of women in all the wards in the Lusaka district and that factors affecting their effective participation were social, economic, political, cultural, and religious-based. The study, therefore, recommended the change of perception of the people, equal representation in governance, support from everyone, and also stopping of discriminatory practices to ensure the equal and full participation of women.


Author(s):  
Kelly Dittmar ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu ◽  
Kathleen Rogers

From foundational works on women’s entry into the masculine sphere of politics to the most recent debates over the causes of gender disparities in participation and officeholding, academic research has asked how women navigate, succeed in, and influence political campaigns as candidates and voters. A central issue of scholarly debate has been the causes of and barriers to female candidate emergence. Early scholarship shifted from emphasizing social and psychological factors influencing women’s decision to run to focusing on structural factors impeding women’s entry and election to office. However, more recent work on political ambition has reignited this debate, with studies recognizing the relationship between social and structural factors in shaping female candidate recruitment and selection. This debate is grounded on a shared perception of the gendered nature of American politics and elections. Scholars examine the influence of gender stereotypes on elite perceptions in candidate recruitment, voter expectations and evaluations of candidates, and candidate strategy. Intersectional approaches to understanding gender and electoral dynamics have enriched this research, pushing scholars to grapple with distinct realities for political actors at the intersections of multiple identities, experiences, and stereotypical expectations. Gender dynamics vary as well by type and level of office, as have the data available and methodologies used to study women’s candidacies. Research on women’s election to office has employed multiple methodological tools, including multivariate analyses of electoral outcomes across campaign conditions; surveys of voters, potential candidates, officeholders, and political practitioners; experimental testing of gender effects on perceptions and evaluations; analyses of campaign output and media coverage; interviews with party leaders and political consultants; and case studies of political campaigns. Surveys and analyses of voter data have served as the primary methodologies used to investigate women’s political participation in American elections. However, the operationalization of “participation” itself has spurred scholarly debate, with gender and race research seeking to expand existing measures of what is deemed political; scholars have waged similar critiques against methodologies and measures used to evaluate political knowledge. As with research on women candidates, the study of women’s political participation confronts questions about gender roles and women’s transition from the private to the public sphere first made starkly evident through women’s winning and exercise of the vote. A major literature has developed, particularly since the 1980s, on the gender gap in public opinion, party identification, and voting, demonstrating the evolution of women’s influence and behavior as voters. Scholars examine the implications of women’s louder political voice to demonstrate women’s electoral impact both on and before Election Day.


Author(s):  
Kristen P. Williams

The traditional/mainstream international relations (IR) study of foreign policy has primarily focused on state behavior in the international system, examining factors such as the influence of decision-makers’ attitudes and beliefs, regime type, domestic political actors, civil society, norms, culture, and so forth on foreign policy. Much of this research has neglected to address women and gender in the context of studying foreign policy actors, decisions, and outcomes. Given that women are increasingly gaining access to the political process in terms of both formal government positions and informal political activism, and recognition by the international community of women’s roles in peace and war, feminist international relations (IR) scholars have challenged the assumptions and research focus of mainstream IR, including the study of foreign policy. Feminist international relations (IR) scholars have shown that countries with greater gender equality have foreign policies that are less belligerent. How do we account for foreign policies that are explicitly focused on women’s empowerment and gender equality? The main questions motivating the research on feminism in foreign policy are as follows. Is there a gender gap between men and women in terms of foreign policy? If so, what explains the gender gap? Research shows that the evidence is mixed—for example, men and women often agree on foreign policy goals and objectives, but sometimes differ on what actions to take to achieve those goals, primarily whether to use force. In considering where the women are in foreign policy, scholars examine women’s representation and participation in government, as gender equality is related to women’s representation and participation. While an increasing number of women have entered formal politics, whether as heads of state/government, cabinet and ministerial positions, and ambassadorships, for example, women remain underrepresented. The question also arises as to whether and how women’s participation and representation (descriptive and substantive representation) impact foreign policy. Does increased women’s participation and representation lead to a foreign policy focused on “women’s issues” and gender equality? Is a critical mass of women necessary for policies that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment? Finally, what does it mean to have a feminist foreign policy?


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