Do Men and Women Have Different Policy Preferences in Africa? Determinants and Implications of Gender Gaps in Policy Prioritization

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 611-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Gottlieb ◽  
Guy Grossman ◽  
Amanda Lea Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Infrastructure Investment ◽  
Economic Empowerment ◽  
Formal Representation ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Social Empowerment

Policies designed to increase women’s representation in Africa are often motivated by the assumption that men and women have different policy preferences. This article finds that gender differences in policy priorities are actually quite small on average, but vary significantly across policy domains and countries. The study leverages this variation to show that the economic and social empowerment of women influences the size of gender gaps in the prioritization of two important domains. In particular, women’s participation in the labor force – an indicator of economic empowerment – narrows the gender gap in the prioritization of infrastructure investment and access to clean water, while social vulnerability widens the gap on prioritizing infrastructure investment. Finally, the article shows that the places where women and men have the most divergent policy preferences – and thus where formal representation is most important – are precisely the places where women are currently the most poorly represented and least active in formal politics.

Feminism in Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen P. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Women’S Empowerment ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
And Gender

The traditional/mainstream international relations (IR) study of foreign policy has primarily focused on state behavior in the international system, examining factors such as the influence of decision-makers’ attitudes and beliefs, regime type, domestic political actors, civil society, norms, culture, and so forth on foreign policy. Much of this research has neglected to address women and gender in the context of studying foreign policy actors, decisions, and outcomes. Given that women are increasingly gaining access to the political process in terms of both formal government positions and informal political activism, and recognition by the international community of women’s roles in peace and war, feminist international relations (IR) scholars have challenged the assumptions and research focus of mainstream IR, including the study of foreign policy. Feminist international relations (IR) scholars have shown that countries with greater gender equality have foreign policies that are less belligerent. How do we account for foreign policies that are explicitly focused on women’s empowerment and gender equality? The main questions motivating the research on feminism in foreign policy are as follows. Is there a gender gap between men and women in terms of foreign policy? If so, what explains the gender gap? Research shows that the evidence is mixed—for example, men and women often agree on foreign policy goals and objectives, but sometimes differ on what actions to take to achieve those goals, primarily whether to use force. In considering where the women are in foreign policy, scholars examine women’s representation and participation in government, as gender equality is related to women’s representation and participation. While an increasing number of women have entered formal politics, whether as heads of state/government, cabinet and ministerial positions, and ambassadorships, for example, women remain underrepresented. The question also arises as to whether and how women’s participation and representation (descriptive and substantive representation) impact foreign policy. Does increased women’s participation and representation lead to a foreign policy focused on “women’s issues” and gender equality? Is a critical mass of women necessary for policies that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment? Finally, what does it mean to have a feminist foreign policy?

Minding the Black Gender Gap: Gender Differences in Public Opinion among Black Americans

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110134
Author(s):  
Mary Kate Lizotte ◽  
Tony E. Carey
Keyword(s):  
Gender Differences ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Women's Issues ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Welfare Policies

There is little research examining the gender gap in public opinion among Americans of African descent. Amid emerging evidence that Black men are more conservative than Black women, there is reason to believe there may be gender differences in their policy preferences. We use the 1980-2016 cumulative ANES data to observe when racial and gender considerations will be more salient for Black women in determining their policy preferences. We find no gender gap on race-based policies suggesting racial group interests may be driving similar support among Black men and women. We do find gender differences on women’s issues and social welfare policies. We attribute Black women’s support for women’s issues to their gendered interests and demonstrate the gap in social welfare attitudes is mediated by their lower economic status relative to Black men. Despite these differences, we discover that Black men and women support race-oriented and social welfare policies more than either white men or women.

scholarly journals REINTERPRETASI HAK-HAK EKONOMI PEREMPUAN DALAM ISLAM

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Hidayah
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Economic Empowerment ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Property Ownership ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Economic Participation

Reinterpretation of Women’s Economic Rights in Islam. Islam prescribes equal rights for men and women, including economic rights. However, patriarchal interpretations of Alquran and Suna texts have contributed to a gender gap in which Muslimah women face difficulties in accessing their economic rights. Patriarchal structures that prescribe role divisions in society marginalise women from economic participation and property ownership. Contemporary Muslimah women also face similar problems of gender gap in economy. Therefore progressive Muslims offer reinterpretation of texts regarding women’s rights, including economic rights, using women’s perspectives. Such reinterpretation is also complemented with strategies of women’s economic empowerment to assist them to access their economic rights, particularly their rights of economic participation and access to paid employment.DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v14i1.1245

Women's Participation in Village Autonomy in China: Evidence from Zhejiang Province

2009 ◽  
Vol 197 ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiajuan Guo ◽  
Yongnian Zheng ◽  
Lijun Yang
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Rural Women ◽  
Zhejiang Province ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Women's Political Participation

AbstractDrawing on the data collected from three surveys in China's Zhejiang province during the period from 1999 to 2006, this article attempts to examine women's political participation in village autonomy and village elections in China. The data show that while men and women have obtained a very similar level of self-awareness and motivation in terms of political participation, China's patriarchal system, embedded in various forms of mindset and political practice, continues to constrain rural women's political involvement in a substantial way. The gender gap remains and the proportion of rural women in local power structures is declining. The article explains both the similarities and differences between men and women in rural political participation, and identifies some major causes for the decline of women's share in grassroots leading positions. It shows that there is no causal linkage between economic development and the improvement of women's political participation, and that the lack of political and other systematic supports leads to the low proportion of women in local power structures.

Gender Gaps in the Center versus the Periphery

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nir Atmor ◽  
Chen Friedberg
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
National Election ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Economic Perspective ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
History Of ◽  
Election Studies

Recent evidence from industrialized countries shows that men and women tend to exhibit different voting preferences, with greater proportions of women favoring left-wing parties. This phenomenon, known as the ‘modern gender gap’, has been observed in recent Israeli elections as well. After discussing the history of the ‘traditional gender gap’, the article examines the gender gap in the 2013 and 2015 Israeli elections from a geographical and socio-economic perspective, using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data. We focus on two main hypotheses concerning these elections: first, that the gender gap in voting varies according to the geographic location of voters; second, that the modern gender gap affects voters residing in affluent localities. Our findings indicate that both hypotheses hold for the 2013 election but not for the 2015 election.

Is it a Chasm? Is it a Canyon? No, it is the Gender Gap

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather L. Ondercin
Keyword(s):  
Gender Differences ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Gubernatorial Elections ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Midterm Elections

Abstract Many speculated that we would observe a gender gap in vote choice of historic proportions in the 2018 midterm elections. However, the 2018 gender gap was similar to gender gaps in previous elections. I argue that the gender gap is not about a specific candidate or election but is driven by gender differences in partisan attachments. Variation in the gender gap in Senate and gubernatorial elections highlight that the gender gap does not advantage a particular candidate or party and that women candidates do not increase the size of the gender gap. Race and class intersect with gender to shape the partisan attachments and vote choice of men and women. Finally, while the candidates and events surrounding the 2018 election likely did not impact the gender gap in 2018, I discuss how the 2018 election will shape the gender gap in future elections.

Women and Entrepreneurship – Albanian Case

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Anna Xheka
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women’S Entrepreneurship ◽  
Part Time ◽  
Women's Entrepreneurship ◽  
The Difference

Women’s entrepreneurship is a powerful source, regarding to the women’s economic independence and empowerment, as well as regarding employment generation, economic growth and innovation, development and the reduction of poverty as well as one of the terms of gender equality. This poster presents the situation of women's entrepreneurship in Europe in comparative terms, with special focus in Albania. The paper has a descriptive nature. Describes three different plans in comparative terms; the representation of men and women in entrepreneurship, the representation of women in entrepreneurship in different countries of Europe and of Europe as a whole, as well as compare to gender quota. Through the processing of secondary data from various reports and studies, this poster concludes that although that the gender equality goal is the equal participation of men and women in all sectors, including the entrepreneurship, in this sector, gender gap it is still deep. Another significant comparative aspect, it is the difference between full and part –time women entrepreneurship. While in full time entrepreneurship in a convince way, men are those that dominate, in part time entrepreneurship clearly it’s evident the opposite trend, women's representation is much higher. It’s very interesting the fact, that the women’s entrepreneurship in Albania, presented in a significant optimistic situation, ranking in the second place, after Greece in the European level

scholarly journals Gender inequality in COVID-19 times: evidence from UK prolific participants

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sonia Oreffice ◽  
Climent Quintana-Domeque
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Health Concerns ◽  
Unemployment Rates ◽  
Future State ◽  
Multiple Dimensions ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Uk

Abstract We investigate gender differences across multiple dimensions after 3 months of the first UK lockdown of March 2020, using an online sample of approximately 1,500 Prolific respondents’ residents in the UK. We find that women's mental health was worse than men along the four metrics we collected data on, that women were more concerned about getting and spreading the virus, and that women perceived the virus as more prevalent and lethal than men did. Women were also more likely to expect a new lockdown or virus outbreak by the end of 2020, and were more pessimistic about the contemporaneous and future state of the UK economy, as measured by their forecasted contemporaneous and future unemployment rates. We also show that between earlier in 2020 before the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic and June 2020, women had increased childcare and housework more than men. Neither the gender gaps in COVID-19-related health and economic concerns nor the gender gaps in the increase in hours of childcare and housework can be accounted for by a rich set of control variables. Instead, we find that the gender gap in mental health can be partially accounted for by the difference in COVID-19-related health concerns between men and women.

scholarly journals Time Allocation between Paid and Unpaid Work among Men and Women: An Empirical Study of Indian Villages

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 2671
Author(s):  
A. Amarender Reddy ◽  
Surabhi Mittal ◽  
Namrata Singha Roy ◽  
Sanghamitra Kanjilal-Bhaduri
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Time Allocation ◽  
Household Wealth ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Wage Rates ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Wage Earning ◽  
Ownership Of Land ◽  
Wage Income

The paper examines the time allocation between paid work (wage earning or self-employed work generally termed as employment work) and unpaid (domestic chores/care work generally termed as non-employment work) along with wage rates, imputed earnings, and occupational structure among men and women and according to different social groups to establish the extent to which the rural labour market is discriminated by sex and social group. The major objective of the paper is to show the differential in wage income between men and women in farm and non-farm activities. The paper also shows the division of time between employment and non-employment activities by men and women. The paper uses high-frequency data and applies econometric techniques to know the factors behind time allocation among different activities across gender. The study finds that males spend more hours on employment work and work at a higher wage rate than females. As a result, a vast monetary income gap between men and women is observed, even though women worked more hours if employment and non-employment activities are jointly taken into consideration. Time spent on employment work and non-employment (mainly domestic chores) has been found to vary significantly due to social identity, household wealth, land, income, education, and skill. The segregation of labour market by sex was evident in this study, with men shifting to non-farm occupations with greater monetary returns and continued dependence on women’s farm activities. Enhancing the ownership of land and other assets, encouraging women’s participation particularly among minorities, and improving health are some of the policy recommendations directed from this study to enhance participation in employment work and shifting towards higher wage income employment.

Gender Gaps in Electoral Turnout: Surveys versus Administrative Censuses

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110195
Author(s):  
Paulo Cox ◽  
Mauricio Morales Quiroga
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Electoral Turnout ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Official Data ◽  
Rule Out

Gender gaps in voter turnout are usually studied using opinion surveys rather than official census data. This is because administrative censuses usually do not disaggregate turnout according to voters’ sex. Without this official information, much of the research on gender gaps in electoral turnout relies on survey respondents’ self-reported behavior, either before or after an election. The decision to use survey data implies facing several potential drawbacks. Among them are the turnout overstatement bias and the attrition or nonresponse bias, both affecting the estimation of factors explaining turnout and any related statistical analysis. Furthermore, these biases may be correlated with covariates such as gender: men, more than women, may systematically overstate their electoral participation. We analyze turnout gender gaps in Chile, comparing national surveys with official administrative data, which in Chile are publicly available. Crucially, the latter includes the official record of sex, age, and the electoral behavior—whether the individual voted or not—for about 14 million registered individuals. Based on a series of statistical models, we find that analysis based on survey data is likely to rule out gender gaps in electoral participation. Carrying out the same exercises, but with official data, leads to the opposite conclusion, namely, that there is a sizable gender gap favoring women.

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