On Becoming a Norms Maker: Chinese Foreign Policy, Norms Evolution and the Challenges of Security in Africa

2015 ◽  
Vol 221 ◽  
pp. 123-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Alden ◽  
Daniel Large

AbstractThis article explores China's engagement with the development of norms on security in Africa, with particular attention to its changing post-conflict engagement. Applying the gradualism characteristic of its approach to policy formulation and implementation, the Chinese policymaking community is playing a key role in seeking to redefine the contemporary international approach to managing African security dilemmas. By reinterpreting concepts such as liberal peacebuilding, Chinese policymakers have begun a process of reframing established norms on security and development that are more in line with its principles and core interests. This agenda in the making has enabled the Chinese government to move beyond the constraints of a rhetoric rooted in non-interference in domestic affairs that prohibited involvement in African security issues to a set of practices that allows China to play a more substantive role in security on the continent.

Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli

How did the issue of sending the armed forces abroad and the defence of interests overseas enter and evolve in the Chinese foreign policy debate? The analysis in Chapter 1 of the speeches and documents released by the Chinese leaders and government institutions reveals three interconnected and important changes that have happened since the late 1980s. First, from Jiang Zemin’s New Security Concept to Xi Jinping’s Comprehensive National Security, the management of non-traditional security issues has consistently been the main driver behind the expansion of Chinese military activities overseas. Second, non-traditional security issues abroad changed from being seen as diplomatic opportunities to be considered, especially after the evacuation from Libya of almost 36,000 Chinese nationals, as threats to the regime’s legitimacy and China’s national security. Third, as overseas non-traditional security crises started to be perceived as threats, the orders from the civilian leadership to the foreign policy bureaucracy and, especially, the armed forces to prepare to play a larger role in peacetime foreign policy became increasingly urgent and clear.


2019 ◽  
Vol 238 ◽  
pp. 504-523
Author(s):  
Charles Kraus

AbstractIn spring 1962, 60,000 individuals fled from northern Xinjiang into the Soviet Union. Known as the “Yi–Ta” incident, the mass exodus sparked a major flare up in Sino-Soviet relations. This article draws on declassified Chinese and Russian-language archival sources and provides one of the first in-depth interpretations of the event and its aftermath. It argues that although the Chinese government blamed the Soviet Union for the Yi-Ta incident, leaders in Beijing and Xinjiang also recognized the domestic roots of the disturbance, such as serious material deficits in northern Xinjiang and tensions between minority peoples and the party-state. The Chinese government's diplomatic sparring with Moscow over the mass exodus reflected Mao Zedong's continued influence on Chinese foreign policy, despite claims by scholars that Mao had retreated from policymaking during this period.


2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 597-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonnie S. Glaser ◽  
Phillip C. Saunders

A more pragmatic Chinese foreign policy and a more bureaucratic policy-making process have increased the opportunities for China's civilian research institutes to affect foreign policy. Beijing's growing involvement in the international community has created increased demand for research and analysis to aid Chinese leaders in making informed decisions. A more pluralistic and competitive policy environment has given analysts at think tanks more influence, but has also created new competition from analysts and authors working outside the traditional research institute system. This article examines the evolving role of Chinese civilian foreign policy research institutes, their relationships to policy makers, and the pathways through which they provide input into Chinese foreign policy formulation. It provides an overview of the key civilian research institutes, identifies important trends affecting them, and examines the roles and functions they play. The article concludes with an assessment of sources of policy influence within the Chinese foreign policy process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-914
Author(s):  
M. I. Garbart

The article covers the fundamentals of Chinese "soft power" in Latin America. "Soft power" now takes an important place in Chinese foreign strategy, both the international level and in Latin America. The author describes the main features of international relations between China and Latin-American countries. The paper focuses on the main sources of formation of positive image of China in the region. The study revealed that Chinese "soft power" has significantly strengthened in the region in recent years. At the same time, the author notes that it is still much weaker than that of the USA. In modern conditions, Chinese government is likely to seek more active application of new forms of international cooperation, promotion of "soft power" being one of them. The methodology of the research was based on the systematic approach, which means considering Chinese "soft power" as a part of the whole foreign policy of China. Theoretical and practical relevance of the study consists in that fact that it creates a basis for further research on this issue. The results can be used to forecast the development of Chinese foreign policy strategy, as well as to study the complex of relations between China and Latin American states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 700-711
Author(s):  
Olga A. Timakova

China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.


2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zou Keyuan

In September 2005, President Hu Jintao called for a 'harmonious world' at the summit for the 60th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Following his call, the Chinese government issued a white paper on China's peaceful development road, in which 'building a harmonious world' is valued as the 'lofty goal' in taking the path of 'peaceful development'. In the latest Five-Year Plan (2011–2015), Chinese foreign policy continues to hold high the banner of peace, development and cooperation and to build a harmonious world featured by enduring peace and common prosperity together with other countries in the world. This article will examine the doctrine of 'harmonious world' to see whether it is practical in conducting international relations between China and the rest of the world and how China should adjust its foreign policy thinking to better cope with the more complicated world. It is timely and meaningful to discuss the topic at the time when China changes its leadership.1


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Trio Sirmareza

This paper discusses about Popular Nationalism within China’s Foreign Policy towards Japan in the Context of Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute. Taking Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands’ dispute as the case, it can be conceived that, from two-level game perspective, Chinese government ‘instrumentalizes’ popular nationalism for its foreign policy purposes, i.e. strengthening its international position on the dispute and giving pressure to Japanese government. Practically, while putting pressure to Japan, popular nationalist movement also puts pressure on Chinese government by criticizing the government over its weak foreign policy towards Japan, as well as demanding for Chinese democratization and political change. Chinese government responds this situation by ‘managing’ popular nationalism. The government applies two-sided policy. When popular nationalist movement is favorable for Chinese foreign policy, the government gives popular nationalist a large controlled access to express their anger towards Japan. However, if popular nationalist starts to criticize government, demand for democratization and political change, Chinese government then restricts the movement by using institutional, informational, and ideational resourcesas well as starting to ban any protest and demonstration. This strange policy performed by Chinese government is strategically able to gain domestic support for its foreign policy, and maintain domestic status quo simultaneously.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


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