Meritocracy and the Making of the Chinese Academe, 1912–1952

2020 ◽  
Vol 244 ◽  
pp. 942-968
Author(s):  
Bamboo Yunzhu Ren ◽  
Chen Liang ◽  
James Z. Lee

AbstractThis article takes advantage of three new big historical datasets to identify four salient features of the Chinese academe during the Republic of China. First, it was highly international in terms of training. Second, the proportion of female students was unexpectedly large. Third, there was a heavy emphasis on STEM subjects. Finally, the social and spatial origins of China's university students and university faculty members changed from a national population of civil servant families to business and professional families largely from Jiangnan and the Pearl River Delta. The datasets are the China University Student Dataset – Republic of China, which includes almost half of all students to graduate from a Chinese university during the first half of the 20th century; the China University Student Dataset – Overseas, which includes the vast majority of all Chinese students to graduate from a North American, European or Japanese university during this same period; and the China University Employee Dataset, which includes almost all university faculty members in China, 1941–1950.

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Jie Hu ◽  
Kezheng Chen ◽  
Dongfang Liu

We empirically investigated Chinese university faculty members' visiting experience and professional growth in American universities. The major data source was qualitative semistructured interviews with 30 Chinese faculty members in the arts, engineering, natural sciences, and social sciences disciplines. The results showed that, despite challenges in preparation, language, and different academic cultures, Chinese visiting scholars were capable of navigating their host programs and achieving professional growth as they moved from peripheral to central participation in their academic community. We also critically discussed how Chinese visiting scholars' academic experience in the United States can be improved, and cast light on the globalization of higher education.


1950 ◽  
Vol 19 (57) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
James Lawson

Aman's character is judged not merely by his public services and his political views but also by his private life and individual interests. Similarly the history of a nation is to be read not only in its military exploits, its constitutional experiments, its art and literature, but also in the social habits and predominant interests of its citizens. Just as a garden mirrors the character of its owner, so the gardens of a nation reflect the character and the degree of advancement of the State. It is no coincidence that the popular garden of the Roman Republic was the simple kitchen garden, while under the Empire pretentious landscape gardens were the vogue. The vitalizing energy of the Republic found an outlet in the productive vegetable plot: the elaborate but sterile gardens of the Empire were symbolic of incipient decay.Until the first century b.c. almost all Roman gardens were cottage gardens. Their plan and culture were governed solely by practical needs. From them the mistress of the house used to replenish her larder and medicine-chest and adorn the family shrine with flowers. Pliny the Elder reminds the luxury-seeking populace of a later date that in the past at Rome a garden was the poor man's estate: it was the only market he had from which to provide himself with food. The prime function of a garden was to make its owner self-sufficient. This self-sufficiency was more easy of attainment in ancient Italy than in more northerly countries, for the diet of the Romans consisted, for the most part, of salads.


Author(s):  
Henrik Mouritsen

While manumission has been practised in almost all slave societies the Romans appear to have freed their slaves with unparalleled frequency. The chapter looks at three aspects of Roman manumission: the status of freedmen, the Augustan reforms of manumission and the legal discourse on freedmen under the Empire. It is suggested that the background for the Roman practice of enfranchising former slaves should be sought in the social and legal structures of early Rome, which delegated many “state” functions to the heads of households. The enfranchisement of freedmen was compatible with the political structures of the Republic, but in response to changes to the Roman citizenship the first emperor introduced a new legal framework, which remained until late Antiquity. The details of this framework were refined over the following centuries, as jurists explored a wide range of complex legal issues associated with manumission and the place of freedmen in society.


Author(s):  
Dan Shao

Manchuria is an English geographical term that, in the past three centuries or so, has referred to the region that approximately overlaps the region of Northeast China (Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang provinces) in the People’s Republic of China. A scholar’s choice of using or rejecting this term might be associated with their understandings of the historical changes in the territoriality of this region. From the 17th century to the mid-20th century, different powers contested over this region, including different tribes of the Jurchens, before the Manchus founded the Qing Dynasty; Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty; the Russians and Japanese; the Republic of China Government and Warlord regime; Japan and China; as well as the Communist Party of China and the Nationalist Party of China. All these contestations redefined the relationship between this region and China Proper, reshaping the social orders, communal identities, and statehood of the local peoples. Located at the nexus of the modern history of multiple ethnic groups and states, studies of modern Manchuria often require scholars to take transnational approaches, or at the least to adopt cross-border perspectives.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. e0253791
Author(s):  
Zaghum Umar ◽  
Mariya Gubareva ◽  
Tatiana Sokolova

This paper analyses the influence of the Covid-19 coverage by the social media upon the shape of the sovereign yield curves of the five major developing countries, namely Federative Republic of B razil, Russian Federation, Republic of India, People’s Republic of China, and the Republic of South Africa (BRICS). The coherenc e between the level, slope, and the curvature of the sovereign yield term structures and the Covid-19 medi a coverage is found to vary between low and high ranges, depending on the phases of the pandemic. The empirical estimations of the yield-curve factors a re performed by means of the Diebold–Li modified version of the Nelson–Siegel model. The intervals of low coherence reveal the capacity of the two latent factors, level and slope, to be used for creating cross-factor diversification strategies, workable under crisis conditions, as evidenced on the example of the ongoing pandemic. Diverse coherence patterns are reported on a per-country basis, highlighting a promising potential of sovereign debt investments for designing cross-country and cross-factor fixed-income strategies, capable of hedging downside risks.


2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 525
Author(s):  
Xiantong Zhao ◽  
Xu Liu

International academic visits by university faculty members are common around the world. While most researchers approach such an international experience in terms of intercultural communication and acculturation, in this study we view the travel experience as a learning opportunity in light of Mezirow’s transformative learning theory (TLT). Drawing on Singleton’s ‘3H model’ (head-heart-hands), we find that the outcomes of transformative learning (TL) are related to cognitive, affective and behavioral domains, the prevalence of which were then explored among 314 visiting scholars. The results are further interpreted by drawing on key concepts from TLT to better understand the learning process. We conclude that the international experience is beneficial for scholars’ sustainable development, and call for more study abroad opportunities for Chinese university faculty.


wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Armen HARUTYUNYAN

The contemporary democratic states consider the concept of political rights, especially the right to vote as a fundamental pillar above all other rights. The political rights are dominant only due to their implementation: people have an opportunity to exercise their power on the one hand, and transfer their power without any political upheavals on the other. In this regard, it is worth highlighting that the political rights are one of the corner-stone rights for modern democratic rule of law. According to this thesis, we can persist that the problems of the realization of political rights are decisive and highly important even for the declared and transitional democratic states. In this respect, the Republic of Armenia is no exception as the problems of the implementation of political rights are definitely the electoral rights. These rights are among the most acute social problems that young Armenian democracy has faced after the independence. The issues in implementation of the political rights are steadily coupled with the problems of imposing punishments for crimes directed against political rights. As the experience of the Republic of Armenia has shown, the number of crimes directed against political rights has increased over the years. The tendency of the growth of the above-mentioned crimes has objective and subjective reasons. Among the objective reasons, we can note the transitional character of Armenian democracy. As for justice, it should be noted that such problems are inherent in almost all transitional states and especially, for modern countries. It is easier to understand, when we observe the experience of communities, which try to pass from the totalitarian rails of state governance to democratic ones. From the other side, the social and economic reasons of the state, poverty of the population can be considered as an objective reason. In terms of subjective reasons, firstly, the disproportionate punishment for crimes directed against political rights should be pointed out, which are the central obstacles for the implementation of political rights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatima Taherpour ◽  
Saeed Rajaeepour ◽  
Ali Siadat ◽  
Iraj Kazemi

<p class="apa">Understanding the social undermining is increasing important in organizational literature both because of its relation with job performance and because of its collective cost to individuals and organizations. This article argued that social undermining can effect on co-creation among faculty members. The study adopted a descriptive–correlational method. The statistical population of the study consisted university faculty members in Iran, that 235 members were selected as the participants using stratified random sampling consistent with the sample size. Social undermining was examined using Duffy et al. (2002) Questionnaire and co-creation were examined using researcher-made questionnaire based on co-creation DART model. Also the reliability of the questionnaire were computed using Cronbach’s alpha (0.94 for social undermining and 0.96 for co-creation questionnaire).Results based on data from a sample of university faculty members showed a negative relationship between social undermining and co-creation and were meaningful at 0.05 level of significance.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Hend Sam’an Ibrahim Al-Smadi

The study aimed at recognizing the effect of the social networking sites (henceforth snss) in creating moral crisis and the role of the university in its confrontation from the view point of faculty members at Qassim University. Two tests were constructed; the first included (29 items) developed to identify the role of snss in creating moral crisis from the view point of faculty members at Qassim University, the second included (25 items) developed to identify the role of the university in confronting the moral crisis from the view point of faculty members at Qassim University. Faculty members (No. 154) at Qassim University completed the two tests, they rated the role of snss in creating the moral crisis, it was moderate; the overall means score was (2.16). The role of the university in confronting the moral crisis from the view point of the faculty members was moderate also; the overall mean score was (2.20). Statistical differences of type of the faculty and the academic degree were not found.


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