The Possibility of Toleration: Marsiglio and the City States of Italy

1984 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Diana M. Webb
Keyword(s):  
The City ◽  

In the course of his lengthy arguments in the Defensor Pacis against the right of the priesthood to exercise coercive jurisdiction over men in this life, Marsiglio of Padua deals with the problem of the persecution of heresy, pausing in one place to remark:By these considerations, however, we do not wish to say that it is inappropriate that heretics or those who are otherwise infidel be coerced, but that the authority for this, if it be lawful to do so, belongs only to the human legislator.

1932 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 452-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gilbert Heinberg

The term “majority rule” is as impossible to escape as it is apparently difficult to define with precision. Aristotle generally employed it to designate the conduct of government by the poor citizens, who were more numerous than the rich, in the Greek city states. In canon law, it meant the verdict of the maior and sanior pars of a small group. Frederic Harrison wrote about the “rule” of the “effective majority”—that section of any community or social aggregate, which, for the matter in hand, practically outweighs the remainder. He explains that it may do so “by virtue of its preponderance in numbers, or in influence, or in force of conviction, or in external resources, or in many other ways.” Sir George Cornewall Lewis thought that where the ultimate decision is vested in a body there is no alternative other than to count numbers, and to abide by the opinion of a majority. But in alleging that “no historian, in discussing the justice or propriety of any decision of a legislative body, or of a court of justice, thinks of defending the decision of the majority by saying that it was the decision of the majority,” he did not anticipate the view of the English historian Hearnshaw. According to the latter, “The faith of a democrat requires him to believe that in the long run the majority of the people finds its way to the truth, and that in the long run it tries to do the right.”


Author(s):  
David Abulafia

The fall of Acre in 1291 shocked western Europe, which had in fact done little to protect the city in its last decades. Plans to launch new expeditions abounded, and among the greatest enthusiasts was Charles II of Naples, after his release from his Catalan gaol. But this was all talk; he was far too preoccupied with trying to defeat the Aragonese to be able to launch a crusade, nor did he have the resources to do so. The Italian merchants diversified their interests to cope with the loss of access to eastern silks and spices through Acre. Venice gradually took the lead in Egypt, while the Genoese concentrated more on bulky goods from the Aegean and the Black Sea, following the establishment of a Genoese colony in Constantinople in 1261. But the Byzantine emperors were wary of the Genoese. They favoured the Venetians as well, though to a lesser degree, so that the Genoese would not assume they could do whatever they wished. Michael VIII and his son Andronikos II confined the Genoese to the high ground north of the Golden Horn, the area known as Pera, or Galata, where a massive Genoese tower still dominates the skyline of northern Istanbul, but they also granted them the right to self-government, and the Genoese colony grew so rapidly that it soon had to be extended. By the mid-fourteenth century the trade revenues of Genoese Pera dwarfed those of Greek Constantinople, by a ratio of about seven to one. These emperors effectively handed control of the Aegean and the Black Sea to the Genoese, and Michael’s navy, consisting of about eighty ships, was dismantled by his son. It was assumed that God would protect Constantinople as a reward for the rejection of all attempts at a union of the holy Orthodox Church with the unholy Catholic one. The Genoese generally tolerated a Venetian presence, for war damaged trade and ate up valuable resources. Occasionally, as in 1298, pirate attacks by one side caused a crisis, and the cities did go to war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 49-52
Author(s):  
Oydinoy Marat Qizi Ergasheva ◽  

Although we have information about the unique participation of women in politics in every period of human history, it is the truth that the right and opportunity to do so in public administration does not apply to every woman in society and is not guaranteed by legal norms. Ancient Greek poets, such as Socrates, Aristotle, and Plato, referred to the city as the best state in which equality and justice reigned in society. as the best laws, they also put forward laws that guaranteed everyone equality. Applying the idea of equality between men and women in his writings, the Greek scholar Antifont stated, "Nature creates all: women and men equally, but people develop laws that make people unequal." Abu Nasr al-Farabi, one of the encyclopedic scholars of the East, in his City of Noble People, described a state that ruled equality as a state that aspired to virtue recognized as entitled.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 4472
Author(s):  
Nir Mualam ◽  
Debora Sotto

This paper explores if and how the idea of progressive property can help to shape more inclusive, sustainable, and just cities around the globe. While quite nuanced, at its heart the progressive perspective on property considers property as a means of addressing important human needs. It is consistent with reciprocal and communitarian approaches to property rights. Nowhere are these insights more relevant or needed than in cities—dense urban areas where legacies of exclusion have deprived disadvantaged groups of housing and public services. In cities and neighboring suburbs, the right to exclude collides head-on with the need to share limited space with those of little means. By re-examining the work of progressive property scholars, we suggest concrete ways of reconceptualizing access to the city. This paper ties legal theory to housing and city-planning by proposing an international perspective to progressive property scholarship, with a focus on local government policies pertaining to housing. We do so by comparatively examining case studies from the United States (US), Spain, Brazil, and Israel—four countries that are actively experimenting with progressive definitions of property in a manner which affects urban planning and housing in cities.


2000 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-245
Author(s):  
William R. Fowler

This issue's special section is the first of a two-part series on recent research conducted at the Aztec city-state of Otumba and the neighboring polities of Tepeapulco to the east and Teotihuacan to the west. Otumba is an extremely important site for the archaeological study of the Late Aztec period because, as Thomas H. Charlton, Deborah L. Nichols, and Cynthia L. Otis Charlton point out in their introduction, it is one of the few places in the Valley of Mexico where late pre-Columbian remains are not obscured by post-Hispanic occupation. Research directed by Charlton at Otumba began in the early 1960s and continued in the late 1980s under the direction of Charlton and Nichols, followed by laboratory and technical analyses of the archaeological materials as well as ecological and ethnohistoric studies. Charlton and his collaborators have amassed a prodigious amount of data, which allows them to address a wide range of issues revolving around the general question of the processes involved in the origins and development of the city-state in central Mexico during the Early and Middle Postclassic periods. They do so within a theoretical context that engages the two most prevalent general models proposed to account for the rise of Postclassic city-states in central Mexico.


Urban History ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTIAN LIDDY ◽  
PAUL ELLIOTT ◽  
LOUISE MISKELL

This review begins with a subject that is familiar to all urban historians of the Middle Ages. Citizenship was one of the most ubiquitous forms of social and political organization in medieval towns. Yet, as Pierre Racine points out, in ‘La citoyenneté en Italie au Moyen Âge’, Le Moyen Âge, 115 (2009), 87–108, it is perhaps surprising that there have been so few studies devoted specifically to the right of citizenship in the Italian cities of the communal period. Racine's discussion is focused upon the period between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries, that is, from the formation of the communes to the emergence of princely states in northern and central Italy, when many of the city-states disappeared. If citizenship was in some ways a burden which entailed liability to taxation and the fulfilment of military service, it was fundamentally a privilege. Thus, the thirteenth-century communal governments of cities such as Piacenza appointed officials charged with investigating cases of ‘false citizens’. Citizenship was acquired largely on the basis of more or less permanent residence and the ownership of a house in the city and it allowed the citizen to participate in the popular assembly, where the important questions concerning the election of officials and the problems of daily life were debated and decided. In emphasizing the emotional attachment which citizens felt towards their urban patria, Racine addresses the cultural as well as juridical meaning of citizenship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 216-241
Author(s):  
Maja Maksimovic ◽  
Jelena Joksimović ◽  
Mirjana Utvić

The study attempts to discover elements of learning by practicing the right to the city through the embodiment and re-articulation of the identity of the flâneuse. In this urban investigation, we will explore perspectives that emerge from the city, how they are connected to specific city sites, and how they form our becomings, having in mind the gendered division of urban life. In order to do so, we will engage in reflexive wandering and performing in the city. Learning that unfolds with this action is a bodily and sensorial process of reading the layers of public spaces in the city. As wandering implies a turn off the main road, the learning process is marked by unpredictability and meandering. It does not follow a familiar path that leads to specific learning outcomes, but involves a journey through unknown and unowned places. We aim to describe learning that evolves by wandering around the side roads of Belgrade by mapping the experiences of the three authors. The research also involves reminiscences of the wandering of women in Belgrade that we want to re-enact and document. 


Romanticism ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-254
Author(s):  
Jan Mieszkowski
Keyword(s):  

This essay explores the conceptualization of warfare in Romanticism. The focus is on two plays by Heinrich von Kleist, Penthesilea and Prince Friedrich von Homburg. I begin by discussing Carl von Clausewitz's influential understanding of conflict and the problems that arise when he attempts to explain the interdependence of warring parties. I go on to argue that in Kleist's dramas war is a competition between different languages of authority. When no coherent paradigm of agency emerges from this contest, the right to wage war is revealed to be anything but a guarantee that one knows how to do so.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287

The article examines the impact of the discourses concerning idleness and food on the formation of “production art” in the socio-political context of revolutionary Petrograd. The author argues that the development of the theory and practice of this early productionism was closely related to the larger political, social and ideological processes in the city. The Futurists, who were in the epicenter of Petrograd politics during the Civil War (1918–1921), were well acquainted with both of the discourses mentioned, and they contrasted the idleness of the old art with the dedicated labor of the “artist-proletarians” whom they valued as highly as people in the “traditional” working professions. And the search for the “right to exist” became the most important goal in a starving city dominated by the ideology of radical communism. The author departs from the prevailing approach in the literature, which links the artistic thought of the Futurists to Soviet ideology in its abstract, generalized form, and instead elucidates ideological influences in order to consider the early production texts in their immediate social and political contexts. The article shows that the basic concepts of production art (“artist-proletarian,” “creative labor,” etc.) were part of the mainstream trends in the politics of “red Petrograd.” The Futurists borrowed the popular notion of the “commune” for the title of their main newspaper but also worked with the Committees of the Rural Poor and with the state institutions for procurement and distribution. They took an active part in the Fine Art Department of Narkompros (People’s Commissariat of Education). The theory of production art was created under these conditions. The individualistic protest and “aesthetic terror” of pre-revolutionary Futurism had to be reconsidered, and new state policy measures were based on them. The harsh socio-economic context of war communism prompted artists to rethink their own role in the “impending commune.” Further development of these ideas led to the Constructivist movement and strongly influenced the extremely diverse trends within the “left art” of the 1920s.


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