Luther and the right of resistance to the emperor

1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 159-202
Author(s):  
W. D. J. Cargill Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
First World War ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Resistance ◽  
First World

Like most problems connected with Luther, the question of his attitude to the right of resistance to the emperor is one that has attracted a great deal of attention from german scholars. Sixty years ago, at the height of the first world war, Karl Müller published his pioneering essay,Luthers Äusserungen über das Recht des bewaffneten Widerstands gegen den Kaiser,in which he provided the first detailed analysis of the development of Luther’s views: since then the problem has been extensively debated by a succession of german historians and theologians. Yet it is perhaps typical of the insularity of so much english historical writing on the continental reformation that these debates have largely been ignored on this side of the Channel. Even to-day there is no adequate study of the problem in english.

Life conditions of Turkish prisoners on nargin island during the first world war

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity

scholarly journals British Right-Wing Anti-semitism, 1918-1930.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Oliver Brown
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.

scholarly journals Carrying their native land and their new home in their hearts Mihailo Pupin and Bishop Nikolai of Zica between their native and adopted country

Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 245-259
Author(s):  
Maxim Vasiljevic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Native Land ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
First World

The present study gives us an opportunity to look at the Christian heritage that the Serbian immigrants brought to the new land of Americas through the examples of Mihailo Pupin and Nikolai Velimirovic, Bishop of Zica, since these two names are indelibly inscribed in the history of the so-called Serbica Americana. The paper is divided into two sections dealing specifically with their Serbianism and Americanism to show that a distribution of love and loyalty between their native and adopted country functioned in a fruitful way. Based on a detailed analysis of their writings, the author suggests that Serbians and Americans remember Pupin and Velimirovic because they enjoy the benefits of their remarkable contributions. The following aspects of Pupin?s and Nikolai?s lives are examined: their deep concern with the fate of Serbia during and after the First World War; their leading roles among the Serbs in the United States through their assistance in establishing Serbian churches and communities, through their scholarship funds, philanthropic work, etc. Their genuine care for Serbia and Serbs was in no way an obstacle in their adjustment to their adopted country.

‘The first of the small nations’: the significance of central European small states in Irish nationalist political rhetoric, 1918–22

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (165) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Lili Zách
Keyword(s):  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
First World War ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Small States ◽  
World War ◽  
Central European ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World ◽  
Scholarly Attention

AbstractOffering new insights into Irish links with the wider world, this article explores and contextualises Irish nationalist perceptions of and links with central European small states in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. The belief that any small nation like Ireland, oppressed by a dominant neighbour, had the right to self-determination was of key importance in nationalist political rhetoric during the revolutionary years. Given the similarity of circumstances among newly independent small states, Irish commentators were aware of the struggles Ireland shared with the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Personal encounters on the continent, as well as news regarding small nations in central Europe, shaped Irish opinions of the region. Certainly, the images presented by Irish commentators reflected their own political agendas and were therefore often deliberately idealistic. Nonetheless, they served a specific purpose as they were meant to further Ireland's interest on the international stage. Looking beyond Ireland for lessons and examples to follow became a frequent part of Irish nationalist political rhetoric. By directing scholarly attention to a hitherto less explored aspect of Irish historiography, this article aims to highlight the complexity of Ireland's connection with the continent within the framework of small nations, from a transnational perspective.

Institutional reversals and economic growth: Palestine 1516–1948

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW SCHEIN
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Private Property ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.

scholarly journals De glans van het verleden, het recht op het heden. Over het eerste eeuwfeest van Conscience

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151
Author(s):  
Jo Tollebeek ◽  
Germa Greving
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Gekenmerkt Door ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

In de zomer van 1912 werd met veel enthousiasme de honderdste geboortedag van Hendrik Conscience gevierd. Het eeuwfeest, dat vooral in Antwerpen veel publiek trok, illustreerde hoezeer ook nog aan de vooravond van de Eerste Wereldoorlog dergelijke herinneringsfeesten werden gekenmerkt door een ouder, romantisch idioom. In een traditionele, negentiendeeeuwse praalstoet en een door Emmanuel De Bom opgezette tentoonstelling werd de geschiedenis tot iets heiligs gemaakt, iets dat blijvende trouw afdwong. Maar tegelijk kreeg het eeuwfeest ook een actuele betekenis en werd Conscience niet alleen een erflater, maar ook een opdrachtgever. Tijdens twee ‘plechtige feestzittingen’ presenteerden René De Clercq en Pol De Mont Conscience als vader, die op gepaste wijze moest worden herdacht. Maar zij benadrukten ook dat het Woord van de schrijver tot Daden moest leiden. Dat maakte van het eeuwfeest van 1912 meer dan een romantisch herinneringsfeest: het ging ook om een politieke manifestatie, met een strijdbaar karakter en eigentijdse eisen (‘onze Vlaamsche Hoogeschool’). Dit sloot niet uit dat ernaar werd gestreefd de herinnering aan Conscience te musealiseren. De blik op de verdere Vlaamse ontvoogding vereiste blijkbaar ook een terugblik. Daarmee werden verleden en heden wederzijds op elkaar betrokken.________The splendour of the past, the right to the present. About Conscience’s centenary celebration. The 100th anniversary of the birth of Hendrik Conscience was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the summer of 1912. The centenary celebration, which drew a lot of public in Antwerp in particular, illustrated to which extent such memorial celebrations were characterised by an older, romantic idiom even on the eve of the First World War. A traditional nineteenth century pageant and an exhibition created by Emmanuel De Bom turned history into something holy, that enforced enduring loyalty. At the same time, however, the centenary celebration also acquired a present-day significance and thus Conscience became not only a testator but also an initiator. During two ‘formal festive sessions’ René De Clercq and Pol De Mont presented Conscience as the father who deserved to be remembered in a fitting manner. However, they also emphasized that the Words of the author needed to be translated into Actions. This meant that the 1912 century celebration was more than a romantic commemoration: it was also a political manifestation that was militant in nature and with contemporary demands. (‘Our Flemish University’). This did not exclude that it was attempted to musealize the memory of Conscience. The prospect of a continued Flemish emancipation apparently also required retrospection. Thus the past and the present were interlinked.

scholarly journals “...COMING TO COMMON PEACE TOGETHER WITH OUR ALLIES”: ROMANIA’S FOREIGN POLICY BALANCING DURING WORLD WAR I

Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Yaroslav POPENKO ◽  
Ihor SRIBNYAK ◽  
Natalia YAKOVENKO ◽  
Viktor MATVIYENKO
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War I ◽  
First World War ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
World War ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.

The Place of Home Rulers in Memoir, Commemoration and Public Discourse, 1922–5

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Martin O'Donoghue
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The First World War ◽  
National League ◽  
First World

This chapter explores the place of the Irish Party in the public memory as well as the views of grassroots supporters in the state up to the formation of the Irish National League in 1926. There is detailed analysis of how the Irish Party and its leaders were remembered, including debate concerning how those from home rule backgrounds commemorated Ireland’s part in the First World War. However, pointing out that Great War commemorations extended beyond merely gatherings of former Irish Party followers, this chapter interrogates the phenomenon of Redmondite commemorations. This chapter argues that these events demonstrated a clear reservoir of support for John Redmond and the Irish Party in a state where it has previously been suggested that the former leader had been forgotten. This chapter also considers the extant networks of Irish Party supporters which persisted into the Free State such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians and the National Club.

Democracy as Civilizing Mission

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-46
Author(s):  
Kathryn Ciancia
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
World War ◽  
Civilizing Mission ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Polish Version ◽  
Paris Peace Conference ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

As the First World War ended, new borderland conflicts erupted in Volhynia. At the Paris Peace Conference, Polish statesmen tapped into broader global ideas of civilization in order to show that the Polish nation had the right to rule Volhynia’s “backward” populations, particularly its Ukrainian-speaking majority. At the same time, Polish nationalist activists in the Borderland Guard (Straż Kresowa) attempted to implement their vision of anti-imperial democracy on the ground. This chapter explores how the Borderland Guard’s activists reconfigured “civilization” in Volhynia’s war-torn, resource-starved, and fractured local communities, where conflict played out along national, social, and economic lines. The contention that there were civilizational hierarchies both between Poles and non-Poles and within the ranks of “Poles” coexisted with rhetoric about national inclusivity. Indeed, hierarchy and exclusion directly emerged from attempts to import a Polish version of democracy into the borderlands.

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