Thinking Normatively about Global Justice without Systematic Reflection on Global Capitalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 488-509
Author(s):  
Jiwei Ci
Keyword(s):  
Global Justice ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law Of Peoples ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
Huge Impact ◽  
Liberal Approach ◽  
Significant Weakness

Given the huge impact of capitalism on global justice, it is a significant weakness of liberal political philosophy devoted to global justice that it has paid relatively little attention to this impact. Symptomatic of this weakness are the political ineffectiveness and explanatory reticence of liberal theories of global justice in the face of the large and arguably growing gap between theory and practice. This chapter discusses Rawls’s Law of Peoples as an paradigmatic case, taking particular issue with his vision of a realistic utopia and his idea of democratic peace. It aims to show how the mainstream liberal approach is vitiated in its grasp of relevant facts and in its normative plausibility by the separation of the political and the economic, of the normative and the causal, and by the resulting ideological reconciliation with the status quo.

scholarly journals QUAND LES ACTEURS PRENNENT LA PLUME. PRONUNCIARSE DANS LE VENEZUELA INDÉPENDANT (1828-1858)

Almanack ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronique Hébrard
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face

Resume This article aims to analyze the dynamics of socio-political mobilization as manifested in 19th century Venezuela through a practice little studied in this perspective: the pronouncement.Almost always considered in its armed dimension, it should be mentioned that it also means, through the break of the pact, an interpellation of government agents, at the local and/or national level, that is, the expression of a collective will in the face of a specific situation.On this occasion hundreds of texts are written, debated and signed by social actors, even those who do not enjoy the status of citizen, and in most cases published in the following months. However, although it has no legality, the study at the same time of the practices, but also of the vocabulary and sociability that they generate, allows to show at the same time their real role in the political debate, the level of politicization of an important spectrum of social actors, but also its legitimacy. Considering it then as an observatory of the phenomena of mobilization and politicization as elaborated during the first decades of national construction, we will study two important campaigns of pronouncements/votes that affect Venezuela, in 1827 to ask Bolivar to exercise extraordinary powers and in 1858 in the context of the Impeachment of President José Tadeo Monagas.

scholarly journals The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract”

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Abbink
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Federal Policies ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face

Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.

Citizenship and Ethics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dianne Gereluk
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethical Challenges ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Social Division ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Communities

The dominant premise underlying contemporary educational theory and practice is that citizens are members of political communities who have inherent rights as part of that membership and concomitant responsibilities that inform their beliefs, commitments, capabilities, and actions as members of these same communities. How individuals govern themselves in relation to others within the political community is a primary aim of education in contemporary policy documents, aims, and objectives statements. Yet, despite the urgency and salience of students learning to live together in the face of social division and conflict, the framing of citizenship and ethics in schools varies at least as much as the different visions of what constitutes a good citizen in the first place. This lack of consensus is reflected in how and where citizenship is framed in schools, how it is considered in policy, and how it is interpreted and facilitated in classrooms. Various educational theorists have also conceptualized the notion of citizenship and its place in schools. The variety of perspectives on these questions underscores the difficulties that educators experience in navigating ethical challenges in an educational and social context, where citizenship has become a publicly contested issue.

scholarly journals CONSUMPTİON, CONSUMER BEHAVİOR AND NEW HABİTS ACQUİRED BY CONSUMERS AS A RESULT OF COVID-19 MEASURES

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 318-328
Author(s):  
Yakup Durmaz ◽  
Kazım Dağ
Keyword(s):  
Consumer Behavior ◽  
Marketing Mix ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Purchasing Behavior ◽  
Buying Behavior ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face ◽  
Huge Impact

The aim of this article is to address the changes in consumer behavior due to the political, legal and economic factors caused by the COVID-19 process by reviewing the literature. It was not expected that this epidemic, which first appeared in Wuhan, China, would make such radical changes in the world's living conditions and bring heavy consequences. For this reason, it has been started to investigate what kind of changes this epidemic will create in consumer behavior and whether these changes will be permanent. Consumer behavior knowledge is an important factor in the success of businesses. Knowing how the consumer behaves and what factors affect him enables businesses to manage their marketing mix, branding and communication with customers more effectively. Consumer buying behavior shows a complex trend and can change. The current financial downturn has a huge impact on the economic and social aspects of consumers around the world. Therefore, by emphasizing the fundamental changes in consumer purchasing behavior, this article provides some important information for the immediate decision-making and management of businesses in times of crisis and the transformation of consumers in the face of the epidemic.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

What is a Complex? Freudian Resistances

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham
Keyword(s):  
Value Theory ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Noam Chomsky ◽  
Cultural Legacy ◽  
Contemporary Science ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).

UN-BLURRING THE MYTHS AND REALITIES OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN’S RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
T N Sithole ◽  
Kgothatso B Shai
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Children's Rights ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Children’S Rights ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Great Awareness ◽  
Policy Theory ◽  
Rights Of The Child ◽  
The Status ◽  
Customary Practices

Awareness of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 1979) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC 1989) is relatively high within academic and political circles in South Africa and elsewhere around the world. In South Africa, this can be ascribed mainly to the powerful women’s lobby movements represented in government and academic sectors. Women and children’s issues have been especially highlighted in South Africa over the last few years. In this process, the aforementioned two international human rights instruments have proved very useful. There is a gender desk in each national department. The Office on the Status of Women and the Office on Child Rights have been established within the Office of the President, indicating the importance attached to these institutions. These offices are responsible for co-ordinating governmental efforts towards the promotion and protection of women and children’s rights respectively, including the two relevant treaties. Furthermore, there is also a great awareness amongst non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in respect of CEDAW and CRC. This can be ascribed mainly to the fact that there is a very strong women’s NGO lobby and NGOs are actively committed to the promotion of children’s rights. Women are increasingly vocal and active within the politics of South Africa, but the weight of customary practices remains heavy. The foregoing is evident of the widening gap between policy theory and practice in the fraternity of vulnerable groups – children and women in particular.

Some Imperatives of the Russian Economic Leadership: The Development of Science

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
O. S. Sukharev
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Work ◽  
Compensation System ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Scientific Development ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Russian Science ◽  
Science Field ◽  
Labor Compensation ◽  
The Status ◽  
Practical Standpoint

The paper outlines system capabilities of Russia to join the scientific and technological leaders through changes in the staff policy in the science field, which was the purpose of the research.The subject of the research is institutional changes occurring in science and, particularly, staff training. The status of the Russian science is assessed in terms of changes in the basic rules and their adjustment with an emphasis on material and non-material incentives, staff rotation and training of young scientists. The paper proves that the frequency and content of institutional changes affect the quality of the scientific development and the training of scientific staff; moreover, copying the rules already in use reduces the competitive potential of science. From the scientific and practical standpoint, the research is novel in that it formulates proposals for establishing a labor compensation system and introduction of basic institutions (rules) to ensure the functioning of the scientific sphere and the efficiency of functions immanent to the latter. The paper proposes a “scientific product” doctrine that can be used for assessment of a scientist’s labor, according to which the scientist creates a product that is assessed not by the citation frequency or the number of published articles and books but by the importance of discoveries in theory and practice, the significance of new formulas and methods developed. It is suggested that the scientist’s labor compensation system be presented by two levels: the current salary and the estimated value of the total scientific product created. The problem of scientific work incentives can be solved by introducing a special tariffqualification grid tied to the system of the scientist’s promotion.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document