Justice between Wars

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-442
Author(s):  
David Rodin

AbstractOne way to tell the story of contemporary ethics of war is as a gradual expansion of the period of time to which theorists attend in relation to war, from ad bellum and in bello to post bellum and ex bello. Ned Dobos, in his new book, Ethics, Security, and the War-Machine, invites us to expand this attention further to the period between wars, which he calls jus ante bellum. In this essay, I explore two significant implications of this shift in normative focus. First, I argue that it opens up an important and productive field of the ethics of military policy-making outside of conflict, including procurement, training, force posture, and military diplomacy. Second, I argue that attending to the relationship between ante bellum and ad bellum considerations contains the seeds of a powerful pacifist argument.

Author(s):  
Nina TERREY ◽  
Sabine JUNGINGER

The relationship that exists between design, policies and governance is quite complex and presents academic researchers continuously with new opportunities to engage and explore aspects relevant to design management. Over the past years, we have witnessed how the earlier focus on developing policies for design has shifted to an interest in understanding the ways in which design contributes to policy-making and policy implementation. Research into policies for design has produced insights into how policy-making decisions can advance professional impact and opportunities for designers and the creative industries. This research looked into how design researchers and design practitioners themselves can benefit from specific policies that support design activities and create the space for emerging design processes.


Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-55
Author(s):  
Tomas Janeliūnas

This article raises the question of what role does the presidential institution hold in the Lithuanian foreign policy formation mechanism and how a particular actor (president) can change their powers in foreign policy without going beyond the functions formally defined in the Constitution. The period of President Grybauskaitė’s term and her efforts as an actor to define her role in shaping Lithuanian foreign policy are analyzed. This is assessed in the context of the activities and behavior of former Lithuanian presidents and in the context of relations with other institutions involved in foreign policy making – the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Seimas in particular. This article analyzes the relationship between the actor (Grybauskaitė) and the already established structure of domestic foreign policy formation and the ability of the actor to change this structure. The analysis suggests that it is precisely because of the choices made by Grybauskaite during 2009–2019 that a relationship between the structures of foreign policy making in Lithuania has changed considerably, and that the center of power of foreign policy formation has shifted to the presidency.


Author(s):  
Gregory Wood

This chapter examines the relationship of the labor movement to the decline of smokers' work cultures from the 1970s to the 1990s. As newspaper articles, letters to lobbyists, and published National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decisions illustrate, the demise of smoking at work often intersected with the efforts of many employers to roll back the power of organized labor. Employers sometimes used no-smoking rules to discipline workers, committeemen, and union organizers for unwanted efforts to shape managerial policy making. Unions often fought for working-class smokers and their vanishing privileges, as the increasing marginalization of smoking and smokers seemed to portend the overall demise of labor's power in the late twentieth century. The NLRB discovered in numerous cases brought by workers and unions that employers tried to sidestep collective bargaining by abruptly creating new no-smoking rules and using smoking restrictions to harass union supporters.


Author(s):  
Mahmud Akhter Shareef ◽  
Yogesh K. Dwivedi ◽  
Michael D. Williams ◽  
Nitish Singh

This chapter examines the influence of some relevant factors on the acceptance of internet and E-Business technologies in Maritime Canada’s SMEs (small- and medium- sized enterprises). To examine the influence of the factors, a research framework was developed and nine hypotheses formulated to test the various relationships. A survey was conducted and a total of 162 valid responses were obtained from mainly business owners and managers. The data supported five out of the nine hypotheses formulated. The key findings are as follows: The sampled SME’s organizational readiness is positively related to their intent to use Internet/business technologies (dependant variable); the two constructs of the technology acceptance model (TAM) were found to be important mediators in the relationship between the management support construct and the dependant variable. Further, no evidence was found to suggest that management support positively influences the intent to use Internet/ business technologies among Maritime Canada’s SMEs. The implications of the study’s findings for policy making and research were discussed.


Author(s):  
José G. Vargas-Hernández

The aim of this study is to critically analyze the implications in terms of the relationship between cooperation, conflict, and institutional capital, as well as their interactions with trade marketing and environmentally sustainable development policy making under the framework of NAFTA. The methodology is based on a literature review aimed to create a relationship between the analytical variables in order to obtain a research construct. This research model is used to critically analyze the implications in terms of cooperation and conflict relationships as institutional capital and their interactions with trade marketing and environmentally sustainable development policy making. It is concluded that, although the existence of NAFTA is severely questioned, its institutional capital has positive effects on the implications of trade-marketing; however, environmentally sustainable development proves to be conflictive and highly contentious, although some positive effects are developing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neophyta Empora ◽  
Theofanis P. Mamuneas ◽  
Thanasis Stengos

AbstractUsing U.S. state-level data for the period 1973–1994, this study models the relationship between emissions, output and pollution abatement by defining an emissions function, in a manner that is consistent with the residual (emissions) generation mechanism and firms' optimizing behavior. It thus accounts for factors that were previously unaccounted for or addressed only individually. Applications using this comprehensive setting can offer more informed insights for policy-making, something that is particularly useful for developing countries that face the environmental degradation that comes together with the benefits of economic growth. Using nonparametric econometric techniques as well as threshold regression, the empirical results show that there is a positive nonlinear relationship between emissions and output, rejecting an inverted-U type of relationship between the two (the Environmental Kuznets Curve, or EKC). In the absence of abatement the relationship turns around, verifying the arguments in the literature that abatement is one of the driving forces for an EKC to emerge.


Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio

This chapter examines the relationship between European integration and democracy. The continuous transfer of policy-making powers from European Union (EU) member states to the European level has raised serious concerns about democratic legitimacy. The chapter assesses the claims that European integration undermines national democracy, and that decision-making at the EU level is not sufficiently democratic. It argues that while significant challenges remain, European integration has definitely become more democratic over the years. But there is perhaps a trade-off, with stronger input legitimacy potentially an obstacle to efficient European-level decision-making. It also underlines the multilevel nature of the EU polity and the importance of public debates about European integration.


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