The Past Polluted: A Pigovian Approach to the Black Market in Antiquities

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Rothfield
Keyword(s):  
Archaeological Sites ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Governmental Agencies ◽  
The Past ◽  
Illicit Market ◽  
The Social ◽  
Monitoring And Enforcement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Funding Stream

Abstract:In the global struggle to protect not-yet-excavated archaeological sites from looting, despite legal strictures, the playing field remains badly tilted against the site guards, customs officials, antiquities police, and prosecutors who lack the financial resources to enforce existing laws. To supplement and give teeth to the strict, but ineffectual, legal regime now in place, economic theory points to a policy solution: a “pollution tax” on antiquities purchased by residents of “market” countries, designed to internalize the social costs of looting so that the industry either takes measures to clean itself up or pays the government to prevent or mitigate the harm the industry causes. Tailored to fall more heavily on antiquities with weaker provenance or extremely high prices, and channeled into an antiquities-protection “superfund” (as was done to clean up toxic chemical sites) or via existing governmental agencies, a Pigovian tax on antiquities could provide a sustainable funding stream for more robust monitoring and enforcement efforts against the illicit market as well as for better site security. Archaeologists and dealers may find the idea of this kind of tax repugnant, but such feelings may be overcome through sustained discussion and negotiation explaining the benefits to both sides of a more licit regulated market.

The Golf Boom in South Korea: Serving Hegemonic Interests

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minseok An ◽  
George H. Sage
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Golf Courses ◽  
Farm Land ◽  
The Past ◽  
Social Incentives ◽  
The Social ◽  
Industrial Productivity ◽  
The Government

In the past decade, to help maintain political stability and promote economic growth, South Korea has committed substantial resources to commercialized sports, including golf. A major source of support for building golf courses has come from government leaders and economic and social incentives as well. In the past 4 years the government has given permission to build 135 new golf courses. The official government discourse about the new golf courses is that they are being built in the interest of “sport for all.” But the golf courses overwhelmingly require membership, which is extremely expensive. Despite the enormous power and resources of the dominant groups in Korea, there are elements of opposition. The golf boom has been severely criticized because it removes large amounts of land from agricultural and industrial productivity, contaminates farm land, and pollutes water. It also represents the worst aspects of the social imbalance of wealth.

The Constitutional Crisis in Austria

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
Malbone W. Graham
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Stress And Strain ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
The Government

Constitutionalism, in Austria, is not a new slogan. It was a phrase to conjure with during the entire lifetime of Francis Joseph, though in practice the whole history of the country down to the revolution of 1918 was its virtual negation. Only in the latter days of the monarchy, when the scepter passed from the hands of Francis Joseph to the inexperienced young emperor Karl, was a modicum of popular expression allowed to supplant the personal autocracy of the sovereign. The old Austria passed out of existence in 1918 without the successful implantation of a régime of liberal legality in any of its parts.The young Austrian Republic, coming into existence in the hour of the Empire's dissolution, thus inherited a legacy of unconstitutional government, and only the solidity of socialist and clerical party organization, bred of the stress and strain of clashing conceptions of the social order, gave support to the government in the days when social revolution swept almost to the doors of Vienna. It was under such circumstances that Austria entered, in 1918, upon the way of constitutionalism and sought, through her provisional instruments of government, to avoid the autocratic excesses of the past and avert the impending perils of a proletarian dictatorship.In a series of revolutionary pronouncements and decisions of her provisional assembly, she discarded, under socialist leadership, the arbitrary régime attendant on the monarchy, and, establishing a unitary democratic republic with far-reaching local self-government as a stepping-stone toward union with Germany, inaugurated a régime of unquestioned parliamentary supremacy, strict ministerial responsibility, virtual executive impotence, and extensive socialization.

Chapter I. The Home Economy

1975 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 9-22
Keyword(s):  
Demand Management ◽  
Balance Of Payments ◽  
Management Policy ◽  
Upward Trend ◽  
Monetary Policies ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Stimulation Of

The latest budget was the clearest indication yet of the break which is occurring in the way in which economic policy has been conducted since the war. Against a background of falling output and rapidly rising unemployment (actual, as well as forecast) the Chancellor introduced a deflationary package. The last time unemployment reached ¾ million on an upward trend, in mid-1971, policy was already moving towards stimulation of demand, and this was the tendency on all previous occasions when the unemployment figures had been rising for any length of time. The different reaction this time is a measure of the seriousness with which the Chancellor views the balance of payments situation and, more especially, wage and salary inflation. Demand management policy is evidently now being used not to maintain a high and stable level of employment but as a bargaining weapon in an attempt to get some effective tightening of the social contract. Wages have risen much faster than prices over the past twelve months, evidence that the Trade Union side of the contract is not being kept. The government is therefore showing that it can no longer keep its part of the bargain and that it will not, through its fiscal and monetary policies, continue to validate a rate of wage increase between 20 and 30 per cent per annum. While this policy is pursued, unemployment must rise unless or until the inflation of incomes slows down.

探討土地增值稅與房地合一所得稅之稅額計算立法

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (20) ◽  
pp. 123-159
Author(s):  
林俊宏 林俊宏 ◽  
陳雪貞 Jim Lin
Keyword(s):  
Property Tax ◽  
Land Value ◽  
Real Property ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Past ◽  
Property Prices ◽  
The Social ◽  
Property Price ◽  
The Government ◽  
Standard Calculation

鑒於近年來房地價格異常上漲，逐步造成房地持有人與租戶間貧富差距拉大，因過往稅制對房地上漲的利潤只課徵偏低的稅負，加速了社會對房地投機的心態，並使房地產價格居高不下，政府為抑制房價快速飆漲，進而修正稅制而實行房地合一所得稅制度，期盼此一制度能有利房價回歸至合理價位。修正前我國房地出售時，土地應課徵土地增值稅，房屋應併入課徵所得稅，理論上，土地增值屬財產交易所得之一種（機會稅），應課徵所得稅。但因為我國已將土地之增值部分課徵土地增值稅，故不再課徵綜合所得稅，因此土地增值稅與綜合所得稅乃採分離課稅的形式。然而分離課稅不能正確衡量納稅義務人之納稅能力，基於漲價歸公的理念，新制房地合一所得稅希藉以補足原土地增值稅未核課部分來抑制房價，但新制實施至今仍有許多未盡之處仍有待討論，因此本文特別針對土地增值稅與房地合一所得稅在課徵範圍、課徵稅率、土地現值計徵標準、稅額計算之優惠及扣除項目等加以比較研究，並提出本文看法。Due to the unusual increase of real property prices in the recent years, the wealth gap between the property holders and the tenants has gradually widened. In the past, the government merely imposed the lower property tax on the rising property profits, so that it has accelerated the social speculation on premises and let the real property prices remain high. For balancing the rapid rise in real property prices, the government had adjusted the property tax and implement the “Integrated Housing and Land Tax” in order to guide the real property price into a reasonable price. Before the implementation of the new tax on per real property transaction, the land should be subject to the old “Land Value Increment Tax,” and the house should be calculated into the income tax. However, the old separately calculation measures on real property tax cannot reflect the taxpayer’s taxability. Based on the idea of confiscating the land profit increase, the new tax has been used to supplement the untaxed part of the old tax to curb the real property prices. However, there are still some imperfect parts on the new tax, this article thus hopes to specifically address and compare the scope, rate, quotation standard, calculation discount and the deduction items between the new “Integrated Housing and Land Tax” and the old “Land Value Increment Tax.”

The Occupied Territories, Gaza, and Israel’s Recent Slide to Authoritarianism

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Menachem Mautner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Fascist Regime ◽  
The Government ◽  
Israel Defense Forces

AbstractIn recent years there have been numerous warnings in the press and in the social networks that Israel is about to convert its liberal democracy into a fascist regime. This Article argues that the occupation of the West Bank stands at the root of the most important processes that have been taking place in Israel in the past five decades. One of those processes is the erosion of Israel’s liberalism. I claim that the prolongation of the occupation is the central, lasting threat to Israel’s liberalism. In essence, the occupation breeds denunciations of and protests against the government and the Israel Defense Forces, and these, in turn, bring about measures on the part of the government and right-wing civil society organizations that undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism. In addition, the full-scale wars between Israel and Gaza, and the continuation of violence between the parties in the periods between the wars, undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism.

scholarly journals The 1870s populists’ idea of Russian origins of why they were in opposition

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Yelena L. Sarayeva ◽  
Igor’ A. Tsoy
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Reliable Information ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

The analysis of the 1870s populists' idea of historical circumstances that influenced the development of the revolutionary movement, the formation of the worldview of that time's radicals is suggested in the paper. The novelty of the study lies in the reconstruction and interpretation of the populists' views on the politics of the government, on social relations under Alexander II of Russia. The socio-political circumstances of the "Great Reforms" era served as the historical context of the revolutionary movement. It is important to analyse the populists' ideas about the reasons for radicalising the mood of some young people in the Reform era of Alexander II of Russia. The problem of origins of why the populists were in opposition is under-studied. The study is carried out in the context of axiological and humanitarian approaches, which oblige to study the personality culture of the past, those people's system of values and ideas. The populists' texts – their memories and writings – formed the source base of the study. Written for the purpose of wide popularisation of revolutionary ideas, they contain reliable information about the 1870s revolutionaries' worldview, they reveal the features of their subculture, historical memory. Populist ideas about the reforms of Alexander II of Russia, about the repression of the authorities after the tsar assassination attempt committed by Dmitry Karakozov, about the social contradictions of that time, about the circle of reading of the revolutionaries as factors that influenced the formation of their beliefs, are revealed in the article. The analysis of those perceptions allows reproducing the features of the populist version of the Russian origins of why they were in opposition.

Craxi’s Italy

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Guizzi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
The Government

IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.

scholarly journals CANDU DAN MILITER KETERLIBATAN BADAN-BADAN PERJUANGAN DALAM PERDAGANGAN CANDU DI JAWA PADA MASA REVOLUSI

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Julianto Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Opium Trade ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ministry Of Finance ◽  
The Government ◽  
Written Sources

During revolution era, Indonesian government used and traded opium for struggle funds. This decisionwas based on the fact that the social, economic and financial was shattered due to Japanese occupation.Whereas the government should provide substantial funds to pay the war operations, employeesalaries and soldiers, buy weapons of war, and pay representatives abroad. This paper constitutesas the result of historical studies, that is why it uses historical method and methodologies. Historicalmethod constitutes as a historian guidelines to find historical documents. Historian is like “handyman”who collects historical sources such as archives and documents in “warehouses” archives and libraries.When written sources are considered as not enough, then those will be held interviews with historicalactors involved directly or indirectly to the problem under study. Historical method constitutes aworks of historian from processing facts, explanations to the reconstruction of the results under study.Methodology provides the framework of thinking as historian, that is why, it needs to pay attentionto the concepts and theories in preparing the events of the past. This study is based on the methodfrom Ernst Bernheim, that are heuristic, criticism, auffassung and darstellung. Indonesian governmentfully managed and controlled the opium trade and circulation in Java. The management was led bythe Vice President Office assisted by two ministries, namely the Ministry of Finance and Ministry ofDefence Quartermaster Section. Under those two ministries, there was the Mayor Administrative Officeof Opium and Salt in Surakarta which coordinated major offices in several cities, especially in Kediriand Yogyakarta. The Administrative Office of Opium and Salt in Kediri stored raw opium. Then, rawopium was sent to processing factory in Wonosari and Beji Klaten. The cooked opium was sent to TheAdministrative Office of Opium and Drug in Yogyakarta or The Mayor Administrative Office of Opiumand Salt in Surakarta. This office in Surakarta authorized to issue raw opium to the struggle agencies tobe sold to the territory of republic, occupied Netherlands area or smuggled abroad.

scholarly journals Declaring, shepherding, managing: The welfare state ethos in Finnish government programmes, 1950-2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Matilda Hellman ◽  
Marjukka Monni ◽  
Anna Alanko
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Absolute Minimum ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Welfare State

This study is concerned with the Finnish government’s political programmes (N=42) from the 1950s to the present. Its objective is to examine how conceptions of the welfare state have changed over the past 65 years. The analysis concentrates on the social and health care sectors as indicators of the content and nature of the ambitions set for the welfare system by the highest political leadership. The programmes were examined for their aims, character and concepts. The governments’ changing position towards its welfare political mandate emerges in three distinct periods: 1) 1950 through the 1970s, when the welfare state was being constructed; 2) the 1980s and 1990s, as the concept was further developed and internally synchronized; and 3) 2000 to 2015, a time of increasing estrangement from universal notions. The study shows that as late as 2014, the welfare state’s aims of inclusion and universalism were dramatically toned down to an absolute minimum in the government programmes. The article shows that in contemporary times, the coalition government system may have strengthened the welfare state ethos. This is a finding of great significance for a structural-political perspective on the support of welfare state ideas.

scholarly journals Bolivia Hoy: Rupturas, inercias y desafios

2011 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 23-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Stefanoni
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Social Equality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Vague Objective ◽  
The Way

The arrival of Evo Morales to power in January of 2006 –supported with an unprecedent 54% of the votes– marked a milestone in Bolivian political history and opened the way to an ambitious project of re-foundation of the country. Those events were translated in the call for a Constituent Assembly and in the nationalization of hydrocarbons, within the framework of a strong “ruralización de la política”. More than five years of that one triumph has passed and after a re-election with 64% of the votes in December 2009 that consolidated the “evista” hegemonyhas declined.  Now the government faces a series of challenges tied to the effective materialization of the change proposed in the re-foundational speeches. This article analyses the novel experience of “Indians in the power” centered in the tension between the changes implemented and the inertias of the past in spheres such as the democratic radicalization, the social equality, the model of development, and the political project. All these themes affected by a powerful, and yet somehow vague objective: the decolonization of the country.La llegada de Evo Morales al poder en enero de 2006 ―avalado con un inédito 54% de los votos― marcó un punto de inflexión en la historia política boliviana y abrió paso a un ambicioso proyecto de refundación del país. Esos ejes se tradujeron en la convocatoria a una Asamblea Constituyente y en la nacionalización de los hidrocarburos, en el marco de una fuerte “ruralización de la política”.  A más de cinco años de aquel triunfo y luego de una reelección con el 64% en diciembre de 2009 que consolidó la hegemonía “evista”, el gobierno enfrenta una serie de retos vinculados a la materialización efectiva del cambio propuesto en los discursos refundacionales. En este artículo se analiza esta experiencia novedosa de “los indios en el poder” centrada en la tensión entre los cambios operados y las inercias del pasado en esferas como la radicalización democrática, la igualdad social, el modelo de desarrollo y el proyecto político. Temas todos ellos atravesados por un objetivo tan poderoso como por momentos impreciso: la descolonización del país.

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