scholarly journals Symbols, Community and Contest: Jhatka and Tobacco in the Politics of Sikh Identity

Author(s):  
ADITYA KAUSHAL

Abstract Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the process of community-centric awakening was producing the politics of religious identity, mobilisations, and mutual cultural contests between different communities. Punjab being a province that was inhabited mostly by Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs witnessed an identity based triangular contest between these religious communities where the political leadership of each community picked up cultural symbols to mobilise, organise, and consolidate their respective constituencies. While presenting an account of the symbolic manoeuvrings around jhatka and tobacco in the politics of Sikh identity during the colonial and post-colonial contexts respectively, this article examines the role of symbols in community-centric discourses wherein cultural differences are transformed into cultural discord or antagonism. Here, it is argued that the meanings communicated and deciphered through such symbols need to be comprehended by locating their articulations in the field of inter-community power relations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
Александра Ђурић Миловановић

In Serbia, minority religious communities are usually seen from one type of minority identity – ethnic one. Thus, the lack of research still exists when it comes to the religious identity of minority communities and the complex relationship between ethnic and religious identity. Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork among neo-Protestant Romanians in Vojvodina, in this paper I am analyzing ethnic and religious identity of minority communities as double minorities. Starting from the hypothesis that boundaries of ethnic and religious identity are not predefined and static, I analyze narratives collected in four neo-Protestant communities. The case study of Romanian neo-Protestants in this paper indicates what is the role of conversion in ethnic and religious minority communities, but also how religious identity becomes more important in supra-national religious groups.


Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz

A powerful tool for content analysis, DICTION allows scholars to illuminate the ideas, perspectives, and linguistic tendencies of a wide variety of political actors. At its best, a tool like DICTION allows scholars not just to describe the features of political language, but also to analyze the causes and the consequences those features in ways that advance our understanding political communication more broadly. Effective analysis involves helping academic audiences understand what the measures being used mean, how the results relate to broader theoretical constructs, and the extent to which findings reveal something important about the political world. This involves exploring both the causes and the consequences of linguistic choices, including by attending closely to how those texts are received by their intended audiences. In this chapter, the authors review ways in which DICTION has been used and might be used to better understand the role of political leadership, the meaning of democracy, and the effects of political language on the political behavior of ordinary citizens.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106-166
Author(s):  
Angma Dey Jhala

The chapter examines the role of enumerative data in defining identity and ethnicity during the late colonial period. Focussing on two surveys of the CHT from 1876 and 1909 by W.W. Hunter and R.H. Sneyd Hutchinson respectively, it investigates how the census created standardized labels, relating to religion, tribe, and caste, which often undermined the region’s porous border-crossing, interethnic, and interreligious history. It reveals the inherent contradictions, vagueness of definitions, and, at times, gross inaccuracies within official bureaucratic documentation. Further, it notes how colonial demographic categories would influence later nationalist determinations of cultural and religious identity based on population numbers.


Author(s):  
Gregory Deacon

Christianity has been intimately involved with power in Kenya since the country’s birth even though much has changed with regards to what Christianity is and what it does. Today, as during the colonial and early post-colonial periods, the political role of Christian churches includes the activities of individual clergy and organized churches, both of which make periodic public statements, provide public services, and support local and national governance. However, increasingly important is the central place of neo-Pentecostal ideas, concepts, and imagery in Kenyan society, which pervade the political realm. This chapter outlines the role of Christian churches as organizations. It also analyzes the growth and spread of Christianity as a religion and as a discursive institution as well as associated understandings and practices. Together, this analysis contributes to an understanding of contemporary politics in Kenya, including the place of neo-Pentecostalized Christianity in the 2013 and 2017 elections and Jubilee regime.


Author(s):  
Yoel Cohen

Religious holydays are a key element in the Jewish religious experience. While the synagogue fulfils an important role for the Jewish religious communities the majority of the Israeli population comprise either traditional (35%) or secular (30%) Jews who draw their religious identity from the wider environment like media. The media fulfil a role in the contemporary world of generating religious identity when formal frameworks like synagogue attendance are declining. One under researched question of importance is the role of the media in religious holydays. It is argued that religious holyday editorial matter contributes to religious identity in the contemporary era. This chapter focuses upon editorial content and religious holydays. The research discovered differences in editorial patterns between the different religious holydays, and between the secular and religious media. There was no major difference in the share of religious holyday advertising between the religious press and the secular press. The wide gap between the Jewish festival annual lifecycle as reflected in editorial patterns contrasts with the traditional status which the respective holyday holds in Jewish religious culture.


Author(s):  
Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin

This is a book about the intersection between processes of mobility and religious identity and practice in Early Modern Ireland. The period between c.1580 and c.1685 was one of momentous importance in terms of the establishment of different confessional identities in the island, and various typesof mobility played a key role in the development, articulation, and maintenance of separate religious communities. Part I examines the dialectic between migration and religious adherence, paying particular attention to the transnational dimension of clerical formation which played a vital role in shaping the competing Catholic, Church of Ireland, and non-conformist clergies. Part II investigates how more quotidian practices of mobility such as pilgrimage and interparochial communions helped to elaborate religious identities and the central role of figurative images of movement in structuring Christians’ understanding of their lives. The final chapters of the book analyze the extraordinary importance of migratory experience in shaping the lives and writings of the authors of key confessional identity texts. Hitherto underestimated or taken for granted, the book argues that migrants and exiles were of crucial significance in forging the self-understanding of the different religious communities of the island.


2021 ◽  
pp. 506-521
Author(s):  
Ronald W. Zweig

The creation of the State of Israel transformed the ties between the Jewish community there and the Jewish world at large. The World Zionist Organization and the Jewish Agency were supplanted by the institutions of the sovereign state. Similarly, prominent leaders of American Zionism, especially Abba Hillel Silver and Emanuel Neumann, became marginalized as the focus shifted to the politics of the Knesset and the political leadership of David Ben-Gurion. As the role of diaspora Zionism declined in importance, a new relationship of mutual interdependence emerged in the 1950s, as Israel and the diaspora collaborated in pursuing restitution, reparations, and indemnification for victims of the Holocaust. The non-Zionist Jacob Blaustein and the American Jewish Committee now defined the diaspora-Israel relationship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (9) ◽  
pp. 1127-1145
Author(s):  
Elena Ziliotti

Confucian meritocratic rule has been recently advocated on the basis of the economic performance of Western democracies and the political ignorance of their average voters. These arguments are grounded in the analyses of real phenomena, but they are insufficient to establish the greater effectiveness of political meritocracy over democracy. This does not mean that the principle of political meritocracy (a principle of government that aims to strengthen the role of the competent and the morally good ones) is irrelevant to the solution of some of the troubles affecting contemporary democracies. On the contrary, such a principle could play a significant role in designing auxiliary institutional mechanisms to strengthen the quality of political leadership in a democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Abdeleahman NAZZAL ◽  
Ayman YOUSEF

The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-505
Author(s):  
Janine Bargas ◽  
Danila Gentil Rodriguez Cal

Analisa-se o papel da mulher na organização sociopolítica atual do movimento quilombola no Pará. Com base na teoria do Reconhecimento e na perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicação, argumentamos que houve um deslocamento do papel da mulher nessas lutas: das responsabilidades domésticas à liderança política. A partir dos conceitos de reconhecimento, mobilização, ação coletiva e poder e também de dados de questionários, relatórios e outros documentos, examinamos o caráter interseccional dessa atuação política. Concluímos que está ocorrendo um processo de complexificação dos lugares e dos papéis da mulher quilombola por meio do associativismo e da construção de solidariedade, das mobilizações e da atuação para ampliação dos padrões de reconhecimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Mulheres; Movimento Quilombola; Reconhecimento; Relações de Poder.     ABSTRACT It analyzes the role of women in the current sociopolitical organization of the quilombo movement in Pará. Based on the theory of recognition and intersubjective perspective of communication, we argue that there was a displacement of the role of women in these struggles: from domestic responsibilities to the political leadership. From the concepts of recognition, mobilization, collective action and power, as well as data from questionnaires, reports and other documents, we examine the intersectional nature of this political action. We conclude that is ocurring a process of complexification of the places and roles of quilombola women through associativism and the construction of solidarity, mobilizations and action to broaden recognition patterns.   KEYWORDS: Women; Quilombola Movement; Recognition; Power relations.     RESUMEN Se analiza el papel de la mujer en la organización sociopolítica actual del movimiento quilombola en Pará. Con base en la teoría del Reconocimiento y en la perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicación, argumentamos que hubo un desplazamiento del papel de la mujer en esas luchas: de las responsabilidades domésticas al liderazgo político. A partir de los conceptos de reconocimiento, movilización, acción colectiva y poder y también de datos de cuestionarios, informes y otros documentos, examinamos el carácter interseccional de esa actuación política. Concluimos que está ocurriendo un proceso de complejidad de los lugares y de los papeles de la mujer quilombola por medio del asociativismo y de la construcción de solidaridad, de las movilizaciones y de la actuación para la ampliación de los patrones de reconocimiento.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Mujeres; Movimiento Quilombola; Reconocimiento; Relaciones de Poder.  


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