scholarly journals Greece: A Procedural Defence of Democracy against the Golden Dawn

Author(s):  
Anthoula Malkopoulou

Greece not a militant democracy – Constitution rejects party bans – Challenge posed by neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn – Preference for a procedural approach – Not as passive as previously thought – Proactive use of regular law – Golden Dawn charged for being a criminal organisation disguised as a political party – Questions about the political timing of the trial – Importance of judiciary independence – Why not a terrorist organization – Suspension of party funding and other restrictions against Golden Dawn – Actions by state institutions as opposed to local and civil society – How to distinguish between procedural- and militant-democratic initiatives – Political rights of convicted party leaders – Benefits and risks of procedural model

Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-579
Author(s):  
Marshet Tessema ◽  
Markos Debebe Belay

It is a trite fact that in the recent past decades, Ethiopia has been under a one-party dictatorship. The ruling political party encountered protracted civil protest and at times, an armed struggle. This has led to the overthrow of former party leaders and the dictatorship. The protracted protest against the party has led to change from within the ruling party. Thus, with the coming to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, there has been a widespread change in the political and legal landscape. Ethiopia has adopted various mechanisms including establishing a reconciliation commission as a means to reckon with legacies of a repressive past. This article takes stock of the major problematic areas of the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission establishment law, Proclamation 1102/2018, with the aim to propose measures to be taken to rectify its blind spots.


Author(s):  
Vineet Chouhan ◽  
Pranav Saraswat

This case is related with the biggest 2020 scam by one of the major new private sector banks (i.e., YES bank). The case is related with the misuse of the power of banks in providing the benefits to one person, due to the power and influence granted by the political party leaders that influence providing unlimited loans to one person and further the acts of the bank officials that led to the partial breakdown of the banking system in India. Further, the case deals with the major accused and the shell company's creator as DHFL. The present analysis put lights on the future lessons to be learnt by various sectors in order to prevent heavy losses and loss of customer faith (being the most vital component). It starts by giving a background of the crisis that led the RBI to come into picture. It also shows the effectiveness of the actions of RBI for YES bank. At last, it points out the importance of independent management and the roles of auditors and other regulators in dealing with this crisis.


Author(s):  
Bob Jessop

For both Marx and Gramsci, the separation between the economic and political spheres was a key feature of bourgeois societies. Marx saw the conflict between bourgeois and citoyen as requiring resistance to this separation as crucial to democratic emancipation and wrote that the Paris Commune realized this. He also saw social emancipation in terms of the expansion of free time rather than work time. Gramsci argued that civil society became more important in the 1870s as the masses gained the vote in political rights. They both argued that democracy could not be restricted to the political sphere but should also involve economic democracy. This is undermined by the expansion of the world market and survival of national states.


1966 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. N. Peterson

THE individual in the twentieth century finds himself dwarfed by two giant institutions which decide his political destiny: the state, with its efficient bureaucrat methodically signing papers that may mean success or failure, life or death, for everyman and his world; the other is the political party, which aspires to control the state by mobilizing the masses. Nineteenth-century bureaucracy tended to be rigid and authoritarian, yet unrelated to popular support and limited in its impact on daily life. The nineteenth- century liberal, suspicious of the state, attempted to protect the individual by further limiting the bureaucrat; the twentiethcentury liberal hopes to use the bureaucrat to limit the privately powerful, whereas the totalitarian party hopes to dominate the state and therewith to dominate everyman. When a monopolistic party controls a monolithic state, the individual seems to have no choice but to flee, to obey or to disappear into a concentration camp. Overt individual resistance appears senseless; overt group resistance extremely dangerous and almost certainly doomed to failure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 950-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep M. Colomer

Following an ambiguous constitutional compromise for democratization, the territorial decentralization of the Spanish state developed by means of political party competition, exchanges, and bargaining. Hence, the so-calledstate of autonomieswas characterized as “non-institutional federalism” [Colomer, Josep M. 1998. “The Spanish ‘State of Autonomies': Non-institutional Federalism.”West European Politics21 (4): 40–52]. In the most recent period, competition and instability have intensified. New developments include, on one side, attempts at recentralizating the state and, on the other side, demands and mobilizations forCatexit, that is, the independence of Catalonia from Spain, which resulted in sustained inter-territorial conflict. This article addresses these recent changes with a focus on the relations between the Spanish and the Catalan governments. The political changes were analyzed as a result of opportunities and incentives offered by a loose institutional framework and the subsequent competitive strategies of extreme party leaders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Aulia Rahman

The concept of recall hegemony to DPRD members to their roles as people's representatives who are representatives of political parties and constituents, can influence the work and performance of DPRD members. Recall rights by political parties can limit the political rights of council members, while shifting people's sovereignty to the sovereignty of political parties. recall procedures for members of the DPRD either through direct political parties or public complaints to the Council's Honorary Board remain through the mechanism of political party decisions. However, there is no legal legitimacy for DPRD members to make legal remedies against recall and guarantee of return of rights if it is proven that it does not fulfill the reason for recall.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Mapulanga ◽  
Dorothy Doreen Eneya ◽  
Diston Store Chiweza

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to assess the similarities and differences between the Political Parties and the Access to Information Acts in Malawi. While political parties are largely funded by donations that are frequently kept as a secret, the Access to Information Act does not include political party funding among the categories of non-disclosed information. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the qualitative content analysis of the legislation in Malawi. Content analysis of the two pieces of legislation was adopted. This paper is a review of the literature and an examination of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. The document study was supplemented by a review of related literature on the two legislations. Findings The Political Parties Act prohibits the government, ministries and departments from directly or indirectly funding political parties. The Access to Information Act to ensure information generated by Malawi government ministries, departments and agencies is readily made available by the citizens when needed or requested. The Access to Information Act does not exempt political parties from disclosing their funding sources. The two acts work in tandem to promote accountability and transparency in political party funding and sources. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. Only the South African related acts have informed the paper. However, several acts within developing countries would have greatly aided the paper. Practical implications The implementation of the two pieces of legislation has implications for the balance between disclosure and non-disclosure of political party funding. Oversight functions and credible human resource capacity are needed in both political parties and government enforcement institutions. Social implications Oversight functions by the Administrator-General through the Registrar of Political Parties and the Malawi Human Rights Commission are key to the implementation of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts, respectively. Proper enforcement of the oversight functions is expected to result in an open, transparent and accountable Malawian society. Originality/value Various players are needed in the accountability chain to protect disclosure and non-disclosure of information. Very little information is known on the powers, functions and duties of office bearers capable of enforcing legislation to keep political parties' funding clean. Little is known on how the citizens can access information regarding political parties funding.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Elena Mitskaya

In this article the author examines the dynamics of changes in the implementation of political rights of the citizens of Kazakhstan, and specifically the right to choose from the beginning of its independence and sovereignty, and to the present. Freedom and the desire of citizens of Kazakhstan to develop direct democracy is directly dependent on how much the person is not only aware of itself as an active, self-realized person, but is relevant to this socio-political, economic and other conditions. Conditions of occurrence and development of civil society is social freedom, democratic governance, the existence of a public sphere of politics and political discussions. The author proves the relationship of civil society and development of the active implementation of the political rights of citizens. In the political sphere, the degree of freedom of society is determined by the level of development of democracy in the country and warranty democracy as a whole and of each of the political right in particular. The degree of force activity of citizens in the implementation of political rights is the example of Kyrgyzstan. The gradual transition from passive participation of citizens in a democracy to active is a natural phenomenon, not only for Kazakhstan, but also a number of post-Soviet countries, which is shown in the example of the Russian Federation. The author concludes that Kazakhstan has gone through a period when citizens remained passive in exercising their political rights. Now the citizens of Kazakhstan are actively participate in the process of democracy, indicating a high degree of development of Kazakhstan's civil society.


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