Israeli Attitudes on Synagogue and State

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bethany Blackstone ◽  
Tetsuya Matsubayashi ◽  
Elizabeth A. Oldmixon

AbstractThis article investigates the attitudes of Israeli Jews on the proper relationship between religion and the state, using data from the 2009 Israeli National Election Study. Specifically we test whether association with the secular or religious communities structures mass attitudes on this important dimension of Israeli politics. Mass level disagreement in this area dates back to the pre-state period and represents a longstanding cleavage in Zionist thought and Israeli politics. We find that mass attitudes toward religion and public life are associated with religious observance and identification with religious parties and social groups.

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brianna A. Smith ◽  
Zein Murib ◽  
Matthew Motta ◽  
Timothy H. Callaghan ◽  
Marissa Theys

Multiple identity and identification terms are used in social science research on sexuality, including clinical terms such as “homosexual” and “heterosexual” and more colloquial terms such as “gay” and “straight.” In this article, we show that far from being synonyms, these terms have consequences for attitudes about gay and lesbian rights. We begin by providing a historical overview of the terms “homosexual” and “gay and lesbian,” showing the different connotations that social groups have come to associate with these terms. We then analyze a split-ballot experiment embedded in the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES) and show that group identity and authoritarianism shape attitudes toward “homosexual” rights differently than “gay and lesbian” rights.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Sarah Childs ◽  
Joni Lovenduski

This article analyses the relationship between the representatives and the represented by comparing elite and mass attitudes to gender equality and women’s representation in Britain. In so doing, the authors take up arguments in the recent theoretical literature on representation that question the value of empirical research of Pitkin’s distinction between substantive and descriptive representation. They argue that if men and women have different attitudes at the mass level, which are reproduced amongst political elites, then the numerical under-representation of women may have negative implications for women’s substantive representation. The analysis is conducted on the British Election Study (BES) and the British Representation Study (BRS) series.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID C. BARKER ◽  
JAMES D. TINNICK

This paper explores the etiology of ideological constraint in the United States. In an effort to gain understanding of the ideational elements of political socialization, we concentrate on a provocative new theory put forward by cognitive linguist George Lakoff. Lakoff argues that many people reflexively envision proper power relations between citizens and government based on their understanding of proper power relations between children and parents: “nurturant” visions of parental roles engender egalitarian and humanitarian political values, whereas “disciplinarian” visions of proper parenting predict political individualism and traditionalism. Using data obtained from the 2000 National Election Study, we consider the empirical mettle of this account.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 983-990
Author(s):  
Nicole Kalaf-Hughes ◽  
Debra Leiter

AbstractThe United States has the highest number of COVID-19 cases, yet many Americans have responded indifferently toward policies designed to combat the spread of the virus. While nearly all 50 states have implemented some type of stay-at-home policy to encourage social distancing, there has been high variation in the degree of compliance. We argue that this variance is partly driven by gender resentment. Gender resentment reduces trust in female political leaders and thus decreases compliance with government policy and recommendations. Using data from SafeGraph and the 2016 American National Election Study, we demonstrate that the effect of stay-at-home policies on social distancing is reduced when gender resentment increases in states with female leaders. However, when gender resentment is low, there is no difference in the effect of policies on behavior. This research has important implications for understanding unseen barriers that can mediate the efficacy of female political leaders.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 456-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Wray-Lake ◽  
Daniel Hart

AbstractSocial class differences in civic engagement persist for both youth and adults. Although empirical evidence is mixed, several recent social changes pertaining to youth suggest that social inequalities in civic engagement may be growing over time for young people. Using data from the National Election Study, we compared trends for youth and older adults of varying education levels and tested the hypothesis of an increasing educational disparity in youth political participation. Results for voting supported our expectations: declines over time were found for less-educated youth only. Unexpectedly, participation in other political activities for more-educated youth declined more over time compared to other groups. Our findings highlight the need to create equal opportunities for youth civic engagement across social groups.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence LeDuc ◽  
Richard Price

AbstractThis article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikolaj Czesnik ◽  
Marta Zerkowska-Balas ◽  
Michal Kotnarowski

Among the wide range of theories explaining why some people vote and others do not, one is recently gaining particular popularity. This is the theory of voting as a habit (e.g. Plutzer, 2002; Franklin, 2004; Hooghe, 2004). The empirical evidence supporting this theory covers onlyWestern democracies, so the following question might be asked: is this pattern universal? In the case of old democracies, voting is a habit acquired gradually in a process which starts at the moment of the very first election one can cast the ballot. In new democracies the situation is different, as we can pinpoint the starting moment (first democratic election), which is the same for different voters and thus different age cohorts. In this paper we investigate voting as a habit in new democracies, using data from the Polish National Election Study. We find that voting in Poland has some habitual aspect; repeated voting brings about a (sort of) habit, which has an intrinsic, irreducible effect on voter turnout. We also find that habit of voting is formed likewise in all age cohorts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-690
Author(s):  
Jacob M Montgomery ◽  
Erin L Rossiter

Abstract One of the most difficult tasks facing survey researchers is balancing the imperative to keep surveys short with the need to measure important concepts accurately. Not only are long batteries prohibitively expensive but lengthy surveys can also lead to less informative answers from respondents. Yet, scholars often wish to measure traits that require a multi-item battery. To resolve these contradicting constraints, we propose the use of adaptive inventories. This approach uses computerized adaptive testing methods to minimize the number of questions each respondent must answer while maximizing the accuracy of the resulting measurement. We provide evidence supporting the utility of adaptive inventories through an empirically informed simulation study, an experimental study, and a detailed case study using data from the 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) Pilot. The simulation and experiment illustrate the superior performance of adaptive inventories relative to fixed-reduced batteries in terms of precision and accuracy. The ANES analysis serves as an illustration of how adaptive inventories can be developed and fielded and also validates an adaptive inventory with a nationally representative sample. Critically, we provide extensive software tools that allow researchers to incorporate adaptive inventories into their own surveys.


2004 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Brunell ◽  
John DiNardo

Borrowing an approach from the literature on the economics of discrimination, we estimate the impact of nonvoters on the outcome of presidential elections from 1952–2000 using data from the National Election Study (NES). Our estimates indicate that nonvoters are, on average, slightly more likely to support the Democratic Party. Of the 13 presidential elections between 1952 and 2000 we find no change in the eventual outcome of the election with two possible exceptions: 1980 and 2000. Thus our results are not all that dissimilar from other research on participation. Higher turnout in the form of compulsory voting would not radically change the partisan distribution of the vote. When elections are sufficiently close, however, a two percentage point increase may suffice to affect the outcome. Limitations of the NES data we use suggest that our estimates underestimate the impact of nonparticipation. We also compare our method with other econometric techniques. Finally, using our findings we speculate as to why the Democratic Party fails to undertake widespread “get out the vote” or registration drives.


1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Johnston Conover

This article outlines a cognitive-affective model of the role of social groups in political thinking. The model is based on the assumptions that people have stored information and emotional reactions to social groups, and that people are purposive in their thinking about social groups in the sense that they are interested in understanding what various groups have obtained and whether it is deserved. The process through which social groups influence political thinking varies significantly depending upon whether an individual identifies with the group in question. Generally, people are more inclined to feel sympathetic towards the groups to which they belong. These ideas are illustrated with an empirical analysis that focuses on women's issues and makes use of data collected in the 1984 National Election Study Pilot Study.


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