Great Debates: The Televised Leadership Debates of 1979

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence LeDuc ◽  
Richard Price
Keyword(s):  
Potential Effect ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Direct Effects ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Public Exposure ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Voting Decisions

AbstractThis article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.

What difference does it make? Explaining the voting behaviour of Partito Democratico’s electorate and selectorate in 2013

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Nicola Martocchia Diodati ◽  
Bruno Marino
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Relevant Factor ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Leadership Selection ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Leadership Evaluation ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Voting Decisions ◽  
Leader Selection ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

This article analyses the differences in voting behaviour of the selectorate and electorate of the Italian Partito Democratico (PD) in 2013, particularly focussing on the role played by leadership, ideology, and media in affecting voting decisions. We study the different motivations underlying the decision to vote for the PD in the 2013 Italian general election or for each one of the three candidates to party leadership in the 2013 PD leadership selection race. The empirical analysis uses 2013 Italian National Election Study and 2013 Candidate & Leader Selection data. Results of the analysis show that leadership evaluation has a stronger influence on the selectorate than on the electorate and that the perceived distance between voters and the party on the left-right continuum has a stronger impact on the electorate than on the selectorate. Moreover, the analysis underlines that media are substantially not a relevant factor explaining voting behaviour of PD’s electorate and selectorate. These findings confirm the relevancy of leadership evaluation in intra-party competitions and open a new perspective to study leader selection races.

Did They Mind the Gap? Voter/Party Ideological Proximity between the BQ, the NDP and Quebec Voters, 2006–2011

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Gauvin ◽  
Chris Chhim ◽  
Mike Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Longitudinal Approach ◽  
The Face ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Over Time

AbstractThe 2011 Canadian federal election results changed the face of federal politics in Quebec. In a sudden and spectacular reversal of electoral fortunes, BQ support crumbled while that of the NDP surged. While most commentators focused exclusively on the 2011 election itself to explain what had happened, we offer an interpretation that takes a longitudinal approach. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and political party manifestos from 2006 to 2011, we propose a three-dimensional proximity model of voter/party congruence to explore the evolution of the ideological stances of Quebec voters and parties. Empirical results suggest these ideological distances between the NDP and Quebec voters decreased over time, whereas the BQ has distanced itself from voters. Furthermore, ideological distances between party and voters are a significant predictor of vote.

Competing Visions of Parental Roles and Ideological Constraint

2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID C. BARKER ◽  
JAMES D. TINNICK
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Parental Roles ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Children And Parents ◽  
George Lakoff ◽  
Proper Power ◽  
Using Data

This paper explores the etiology of ideological constraint in the United States. In an effort to gain understanding of the ideational elements of political socialization, we concentrate on a provocative new theory put forward by cognitive linguist George Lakoff. Lakoff argues that many people reflexively envision proper power relations between citizens and government based on their understanding of proper power relations between children and parents: “nurturant” visions of parental roles engender egalitarian and humanitarian political values, whereas “disciplinarian” visions of proper parenting predict political individualism and traditionalism. Using data obtained from the 2000 National Election Study, we consider the empirical mettle of this account.

scholarly journals That Woman from Michigan: How Gender Resentment Shapes the Efficacy of Stay-at-Home Policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 983-990
Author(s):  
Nicole Kalaf-Hughes ◽  
Debra Leiter
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Female Leaders ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Social Distancing ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
American National Election Study ◽  
Using Data ◽  
At Home

AbstractThe United States has the highest number of COVID-19 cases, yet many Americans have responded indifferently toward policies designed to combat the spread of the virus. While nearly all 50 states have implemented some type of stay-at-home policy to encourage social distancing, there has been high variation in the degree of compliance. We argue that this variance is partly driven by gender resentment. Gender resentment reduces trust in female political leaders and thus decreases compliance with government policy and recommendations. Using data from SafeGraph and the 2016 American National Election Study, we demonstrate that the effect of stay-at-home policies on social distancing is reduced when gender resentment increases in states with female leaders. However, when gender resentment is low, there is no difference in the effect of policies on behavior. This research has important implications for understanding unseen barriers that can mediate the efficacy of female political leaders.

scholarly journals Growing Social Inequalities in Youth Civic Engagement? Evidence from the National Election Study

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 456-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Wray-Lake ◽  
Daniel Hart
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
National Election ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Youth Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Over Time

AbstractSocial class differences in civic engagement persist for both youth and adults. Although empirical evidence is mixed, several recent social changes pertaining to youth suggest that social inequalities in civic engagement may be growing over time for young people. Using data from the National Election Study, we compared trends for youth and older adults of varying education levels and tested the hypothesis of an increasing educational disparity in youth political participation. Results for voting supported our expectations: declines over time were found for less-educated youth only. Unexpectedly, participation in other political activities for more-educated youth declined more over time compared to other groups. Our findings highlight the need to create equal opportunities for youth civic engagement across social groups.

Israeli Attitudes on Synagogue and State

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bethany Blackstone ◽  
Tetsuya Matsubayashi ◽  
Elizabeth A. Oldmixon
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Religious Observance ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Mass Attitudes ◽  
Mass Level

AbstractThis article investigates the attitudes of Israeli Jews on the proper relationship between religion and the state, using data from the 2009 Israeli National Election Study. Specifically we test whether association with the secular or religious communities structures mass attitudes on this important dimension of Israeli politics. Mass level disagreement in this area dates back to the pre-state period and represents a longstanding cleavage in Zionist thought and Israeli politics. We find that mass attitudes toward religion and public life are associated with religious observance and identification with religious parties and social groups.

The Rise of Third Parties in the 1993 Canadian Federal Election: Pinard Revisited

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric Bélanger
Keyword(s):  
Third Parties ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Party Dominance

Abstract. This study proposes a new test of Maurice Pinard's theory on the rise of third parties applied to the case of the 1993 Canadian federal election. We assess the effect at the individual level of Pinard's factors (one-party dominance and grievances) on support for the Reform party and the Bloc Québécois using data from the Canadian Election Study. Logistic regression analyses of vote choice indicate that the extent to which the second major party was perceived to be electorally weak at the constituency level was a significant factor in leading some Western voters to support Reform. In Quebec, however, perceptions of predominance did not matter to a vote for the Bloc because the latter is a “radical” third party attracting support mostly on the basis of communal values and interests. The results further show that political grievances, but not economic ones, were a significant predictor of support for both third parties in that election.Résumé. Cette étude propose un nouveau test empirique de la théorie de Maurice Pinard concernant la percée électorale des tiers partis. L'impact des facteurs de Pinard (prédominance d'un parti et présence de griefs) sur l'appui au Parti réformiste et au Bloc québécois à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 1993 est vérifié au niveau micro-sociologique à l'aide des données de l'Étude sur l'élection canadienne. Les analyses de régression logistique du vote indiquent que la perception que certains électeurs de l'Ouest avaient de la faible compétitivité du second parti traditionnel dans leur circonscription les a encouragés à appuyer le Parti réformiste. Au Québec, les perceptions de prédominance n'ont cependant pas eu d'effet significatif sur le vote en faveur du Bloc en raison du fait que ce dernier est un tiers parti “ radical ” dont l'appui repose principalement sur des valeurs et des intérêts de groupe. Les résultats indiquent enfin que, contrairement aux griefs de nature économique, les griefs politiques régionaux ont significativement contribué au succès électoral des deux partis.

scholarly journals Local Candidate Effects in Canadian Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Allen Stevens ◽  
Md Mujahedul Islam ◽  
Roosmarijn de Geus ◽  
Jonah Goldberg ◽  
John R. McAndrews ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Candidate Evaluations ◽  
Local Candidate ◽  
Using Data ◽  
New Evidence

AbstractWhat impact do local candidates have on elections in single member district plurality electoral systems? We provide new evidence using data from a large election study carried out during the 2015 Canadian federal election. We improve on the measurement of local candidate effects by asking over 20,000 survey respondents to rate the candidates in their constituency directly. We present three estimates. We find that when all voters are considered together, local candidate evaluations are decisive for approximately 4 per cent of voters. Second, these evaluations are decisive for the outcome of 10 per cent of constituency contests. Third, when models are estimated for each constituency, we find significant evaluation effects for 14 per cent of candidates.

Voting as a habit in new democracies – Evidence from Poland

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikolaj Czesnik ◽  
Marta Zerkowska-Balas ◽  
Michal Kotnarowski
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Age Cohorts ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Moment

Among the wide range of theories explaining why some people vote and others do not, one is recently gaining particular popularity. This is the theory of voting as a habit (e.g. Plutzer, 2002; Franklin, 2004; Hooghe, 2004). The empirical evidence supporting this theory covers onlyWestern democracies, so the following question might be asked: is this pattern universal? In the case of old democracies, voting is a habit acquired gradually in a process which starts at the moment of the very first election one can cast the ballot. In new democracies the situation is different, as we can pinpoint the starting moment (first democratic election), which is the same for different voters and thus different age cohorts. In this paper we investigate voting as a habit in new democracies, using data from the Polish National Election Study. We find that voting in Poland has some habitual aspect; repeated voting brings about a (sort of) habit, which has an intrinsic, irreducible effect on voter turnout. We also find that habit of voting is formed likewise in all age cohorts.

So Many Questions, So Little Time: Integrating Adaptive Inventories into Public Opinion Research

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-690
Author(s):  
Jacob M Montgomery ◽  
Erin L Rossiter
Keyword(s):  
Computerized Adaptive Testing ◽  
Superior Performance ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Testing Methods ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
American National Election Study ◽  
Simulation And Experiment ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Using Data

Abstract One of the most difficult tasks facing survey researchers is balancing the imperative to keep surveys short with the need to measure important concepts accurately. Not only are long batteries prohibitively expensive but lengthy surveys can also lead to less informative answers from respondents. Yet, scholars often wish to measure traits that require a multi-item battery. To resolve these contradicting constraints, we propose the use of adaptive inventories. This approach uses computerized adaptive testing methods to minimize the number of questions each respondent must answer while maximizing the accuracy of the resulting measurement. We provide evidence supporting the utility of adaptive inventories through an empirically informed simulation study, an experimental study, and a detailed case study using data from the 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) Pilot. The simulation and experiment illustrate the superior performance of adaptive inventories relative to fixed-reduced batteries in terms of precision and accuracy. The ANES analysis serves as an illustration of how adaptive inventories can be developed and fielded and also validates an adaptive inventory with a nationally representative sample. Critically, we provide extensive software tools that allow researchers to incorporate adaptive inventories into their own surveys.

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