Supplemental Material for Measuring Moral Politics: How Strict and Nurturant Family Values Explain Individual Differences in Conservatism, Liberalism, and the Political Middle

2020 ◽  
Vol 118 (4) ◽  
pp. 777-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Feinberg ◽  
Elisabeth Wehling ◽  
Joanne M. Chung ◽  
Laura R. Saslow ◽  
Ingrid Melvær Paulin

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Kathleen Wellman

Although the ancient Greeks and Romans have long been appreciated as foundations for Western civilization, for these textbooks, the Greeks’ philosophy, gods, and immorality tar them as godless humanists. Nonetheless, the Greeks and the Romans allow these curricula to introduce several key social, political, and moral arguments. They assess whether ancient civilizations implemented the “family values” of the political right as it emerged in the 1970s. Thus the Greeks were commendable in excluding women from the public sphere and the Romans for their strong patriarchal families. But Rome fell when it failed to maintain family values. These textbooks disparage the Romans to downplay their influence on the American founding. Furthermore, the rise of Islam reveals the presence of Satan in the world. These curricula’s repudiation of the classical tradition reflects not only contemporary concerns of the religious right but also American anti-intellectualism.


1991 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Rodger

The paper seeks to develop the discussion of informal care in the community stimulated by feminist analyses in social policy of what has been called ‘the moral politics of caring’. In particular the paper enquires into the relationship between family structures and the ‘political styles’ through which families bargain about caring issues. A selection of studies dealing with family structure and decision-making are discussed. The paper closes by making some observations about the potential development of family therapy strategies, particularly by social workers trying to ensure the co-operation and involvement of family members, friends and neighbors in caring responsibilities within the new community care framework.


Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darragh McGee

This article examines the biopolitical footprint of a new wave of non-governmental organization (NGO) interventions which conjoin the futures of youth with that of the nation, and which thereby seek to naturalize an institutional sovereignty over moral temporalities of future-making. By inverting the political onto the personal, these unorthodox interventions challenge extant sociological constructs of development, and further affirm the salience of an ethnographic turn in NGO scholarship. To this end, I trace the quotidian coordinates of such a moral politics out of the Right to Dream Academy, Ghana, which serves as a prototype for NGO interventions concerned not solely with locating the ontological limits of self-transformation but in redeploying such limits to address Africa’s development crises. Opening up novel theoretical directions for NGO scholarship, I propose an extension of the concept of the reinventive institution, positing a sociologically informed reframing of NGO interventions connected to interdisciplinary work on youth, morality and futurity.


Author(s):  
Paul Spicker

Thinking about issues collectively changes the meaning of key values, such as liberty, equality and solidarity. Collective action is often seen as a value in itself; ideas of cooperation, social capital, solidarity and social cohesion are morally approved. The processes that lead people to act together, such as identity, reciprocity, loyalty and solidarity, are all valued in their own right. And various collective actions, such as participation in cultural life, family values and defence, are seen as desirable. These are not necessarily the values of the political left.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Bert N. Bakker ◽  
Gijs Schumacher ◽  
Maaike D. Homan

AbstractIn the political domain, disgust is primarily portrayed as an emotion that explains individual differences in pathogen avoidance. We hypothesized that political rhetoric accusing opponents of moral transgressions also elicits disgust responses. In this registered report, we present the results from a laboratory experiment. We find that participants self-report higher disgust and have stronger physiological (Levator labii) responses to pictures of out-party leaders compared with in-party leaders. Participants also report higher disgust in response to moral violations of in-party leaders. There is more suggestive evidence that in-party leaders evoke more labii activity when they commit moral violations than when out-party leaders do. The impact of individual differences in moral disgust and partisanship strength is very limited to absent. Intriguingly, on average, the physiological and self-reported disgust responses to the treatment are similar, but individuals differ in whether their response is physiological or cognitive. This motivates further theorizing regarding the concordance of emotional responses.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Johnson ◽  
Joseph B. Tamney

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110134
Author(s):  
Vanessa Baird ◽  
Jennifer Wolak

Why do some people blame the political system for the problems in their lives? We explore the origins of these grievances and how people assign responsibility and blame for the challenges they face. We propose that individual differences in the personality traits of locus of control and self-esteem help explain why some blame the political system for their personal problems. Using responses from a module of the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we show that those with low self-esteem and a weaker sense of control over their fates are more likely to blame the political system for the challenges they face in their lives. We also demonstrate that this assignment of blame is politically consequential, where those who intertwine the personal and the political are more likely to evaluate elected officials based on pocketbook economic conditions rather than sociotropic considerations.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-177
Author(s):  
Muzaki Muzaki

The necessity of efforts to build harmony among religious believers in Indonesia recently increased significantly.This can be seen from the proliferation activities of interreligious dialogue in the regions. Strategic step for the future is to buildmutual understanding, cooperation, and appreciates other religion. To build a harmonious religious tolerance was necessaryactive role of all elements of the nation regardless of individual differences in beliefs, not to mention his own involvement in theorganization that allows for participation, such as with an active role through the Political Parties (Party), Non-GovernmentalOrganization (NGO) or other mass organizations (CBOs) and other social activities


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200942092258
Author(s):  
Jeremy Nuttall

Politicians across parties repeatedly agreed that their visions of social improvement rested as much on the promotion of character virtues as on the efficacy of economic systems. Character posed recurring political dilemmas. Ideological dispute over character, as to whether it is formed best through individual exertion or collective support, lies at the heart of the division of politics between right and left. Further, the limits to the people’s character were seen as a constraint upon social progress. Yet, contrary to much historiography, this is not a story of decline from a supposed Victorian heyday of ‘moral politics’. British politics proved notably adaptive in forging updated, optimistic visions, in which the forces of modernity which might have seemed to threaten the moral calibre of the body politic, or of society, whether democracy, state expansion, or, later, ‘individualism’, were recast instead as supportive foundations for the people’s moral growth. If the century has seen a steadily ‘quieter’, less loudly moralizing, more nurturing approach to the encouragement of character, this reflected a growth in the sophistication of the method of advancing character, not a decline in either the political importance accorded to it, or the people’s possession of it.


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