Gendered Institutions and Women’s Substantive Representation: Female Legislators in Argentina and Chile

Political Affiliation ◽

Women’S Rights ◽

Content Analyses ◽

Female Legislators

AbstractThis article investigates women’s political representation in a hybrid and patriarchal regime—Singapore. Specifically, it examines whether female legislators in Singapore put more emphasis on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns than male legislators. We answer this question through conducting content analyses of the questions raised by legislators at the plenary meetings during the 10th–12th Parliaments of Singapore (2002–2015). Our results demonstrate that female legislators in Singapore were more likely to provide substantive representation on women’s interests than male legislators. Besides gender, this study shows that legislators’ political affiliation crucially affected the likelihood of them to represent traditional women’s concerns but not women’s rights. Opposition legislators were more likely than People’s Action Party legislators to ask questions on traditional women’s concerns. Finally, legislators’ ethnicity mattered, given that ethnic minority legislators (Malay, Indian and Eurasian legislators) were more likely to raise questions on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns (except environment) than Chinese legislators.

Congressional Enactments of Race–Gender: Toward a Theory of Raced–Gendered Institutions

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s0003055403000868 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 97 (4) ◽

pp. 529-550 ◽

Cited By ~ 183

Author(s):

MARY HAWKESWORTH

Keyword(s):

Political Institutions ◽

Political Process ◽

The United States ◽

Epistemic Authority ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Underrepresented Groups ◽

Gendered Institutions ◽

Internal Operations ◽

And Gender

Investigating reports of marginalization from Congresswomen of color, I examine legislative practices in the 103rd and 104th Congresses to illuminate dynamics that structure hierarchies on the basis of race and gender. I advance an account of racing–gendering as a political process that silences, stereotypes, enforces invisibility, excludes, and challenges the epistemic authority of Congresswomen of color. Racing–gendering constitutes a form of interested bias operating in Congress, which has important implications for understandings of the internal operations of political institutions, the policy priorities of Congresswomen of color, the substantive representation of historically underrepresented groups, and the practice of democracy in the United States.

Analysing Women's Substantive Representation: From Critical Mass to Critical Actors

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 44 (2) ◽

pp. 125-145 ◽

Cited By ~ 166

Author(s):

Sarah Childs ◽

Mona Lena Krook

Keyword(s):

Critical Mass ◽

Male And Female ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Structure And Agency ◽

Female Legislators ◽

Traditional Approaches

AbstractThis article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behaviour on behalf of women by asking (1) not when women make a difference, but how the substantive representation of women occurs; and (2) not what ‘women’ do, but what specific actors do. The first shift aims to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that motivate and inform substantive representation. The second seeks to move beyond a focus on female legislators to identify the ‘critical actors’, male and female, who may attempt to represent women as a group. In so doing, this framework calls attention to how structure and agency interact in the substantive representation of women.

When Do Female MPs Represent Women’s Interests? Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women

Political Research Quarterly ◽

10.1177/1065912919859437 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 73 (4) ◽

pp. 834-847 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Daniel Höhmann

Keyword(s):

Electoral System ◽

Legislative Behavior ◽

Incentive Structure ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Members Of Parliament ◽

Female Legislators ◽

German Bundestag ◽

Mixed Electoral System

Research on women’s political representation has repeatedly shown that female legislators represent women’s interest more strongly than their male colleagues. However, a growing body of literature shows that the parliamentary behavior of female members of parliament (MPs) and the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women is affected by a number of institutional variables. This paper contributes to this debate by analyzing the effect of the electoral incentive structure on the substantive representation of women. Drawing on the Competing Principals Theory, it is expected that female legislators more frequently act on behalf of women if their re-election does not depend on the representation of local interests in electoral districts. The empirical analysis uses the German mixed electoral system and analyzes the representation of women’s issues in oral and written parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag between 2005 and 2013. The results of a hurdle regression model show that female MPs are more likely to concentrate on the representation of women’s interests if their re-election is secured and if they do not have to fight for additional local votes from their district.

Electoral Incentives, Critical Actors, and the Substantive Representation of Women in Parliament

10.20378/irb-49705 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

◽

Daniel Höhmann

Keyword(s):

Willingness To Pay ◽

Institutional Environment ◽

Electoral System ◽

Incentive Structure ◽

Electoral Incentives ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Female Legislators ◽

Women In Parliament

When and how does the susbstantive representation of women in parliament occur? This dissertation makes two main contributions in this regard. First, it analyzes when female MPs represent women’s interests in parliament. Regarding the ‘when’ and ‘why’ of women’s substantive representation, this dissertation investigates how the institutional environment affects the parliamentary behavior of female MPs and their opportunities to focus on the representation of women’s interests. In particular, it explores the effect of the electoral system and asks whether the electoral incentive structure influences whether and to what extent female legislators represent women-specific issues more frequently than their male colleagues do. Second, this dissertation broadens our understanding of the potential actors in women’s substantive representation and explicitly analyzes whether, when and why male MPs represent women’s interests in parliament. It examines whether the presence of women in parliament has an effect on male MPs’ behavior and their decision to actively represent women’s interests. Moreover, it analyzes whether the electoral vulnerability of male MPs has an effect on their willingness to pay attention to women’s concerns.

Critical Mass Theory and Women's Political Representation

Political Studies ◽

10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00712.x ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 56 (3) ◽

pp. 725-736 ◽

Cited By ~ 164

Author(s):

Childs Sarah ◽

Lena Krook Mona

Keyword(s):

Research Agenda ◽

Critical Mass ◽

Research Note ◽

Gender And Politics ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Subsequent Research ◽

Female Legislators ◽

The Relationship

In studies of women's legislative behaviour, the concept of critical mass is widely used and, more recently, criticised as a tool for understanding the relationship between the percentage of female legislators and the passage of legislation beneficial to women as a group. In this research note, we revisit classic contributions by Rosabeth Moss Kanter and Drude Dahlerup and outline and discuss their assumptions regarding anticipated connections between numbers and outcomes. We find that later gender and politics scholars have often misconstrued their work, with crucial implications for subsequent research on relations between the descriptive and substantive representation of women. We argue that clarifying the theoretical origins of the critical mass concept is crucial for forging a more coherent and cumulative research agenda on women's political representation.

The Political Cure: Gender Quotas and Women's Health

Politics & Gender ◽

10.1017/s1743923x16000167 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 12 (03) ◽

pp. 469-490 ◽

Cited By ~ 6

Author(s):

Aubrey Westfall ◽

Carissa Chantiles

Keyword(s):

Women’S Health ◽

Women's Health ◽

Multilevel Models ◽

Gender Quotas ◽

Quota System ◽

Political Office ◽

Female Legislators ◽

Institutional Solution ◽

The Individual

Political gender quotas have become the institutional solution for most governments hoping to increase women's descriptive and substantive representation in national and local government, despite the lack of consensus over whether quotas have a consistent positive effect on the lives of women. We argue that the different forms in which quotas are implemented result in diverse effects in the substantive representation of women's issues. Using women's health to illustrate the substantive effect of women's political participation through quotas, we utilize multilevel models to find that quotas are effective at placing women into legislative office and that this descriptive representation is associated with positive conditions for women's health. However, the strength of the relationship depends on the type of quota implemented. Countries implementing candidate quotas exhibit more consistent but weaker relationships between representation and women's health outcomes than in countries with reserved seat quotas. These results affirm the quota's objective to place women in political office but suggest that the policy effectiveness of the individual female legislators may depend on the quota system in place.

Female Representation in Colombia

10.1093/oso/9780190851224.003.0013 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Mónica Pachón ◽

Santiago E. Lacouture

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

Political Context ◽

The Political ◽

Political Rights ◽

Female Representation ◽

Political Arena ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Electoral Democracy ◽

Almost All

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.

Parity without Equality

10.1093/oso/9780190851224.003.0009 ◽

2018 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Jennifer M. Piscopo

Keyword(s):

Costa Rica ◽

Party System ◽

Costa Rican ◽

Women In Politics ◽

Negative Consequences ◽

Economic Problems ◽

Crisis Of Representation ◽

Female Legislators ◽

Female President

Jennifer M. Piscopo examines how the crisis of representation in Costa Rica has placed a ceiling on gender equality in representation. The restructuring of the Costa Rican party system and party fragmentation has made electing multiple candidates from any one ballot more difficult. Top spots have become even more prestigious and more likely to be allocated to men, which reduces women’s electoral chances. Corruption scandals, party breakdown, citizen frustration, and economic problems tainted the administration of the nation’s first female president, Laura Chinchilla. Female legislators have often worked to promote women’s issues and feminist policies, but Chinchilla eschewed feminism, even though several of her policies did benefit women. Overall, her failed presidency may create difficulties for other women seeking top political offices and could have negative consequences for views of women in politics. These challenges notwithstanding, Piscopo concludes that Costa Rica remains at the vanguard of women’s political representation in Latin America.

Negotiating Political Power at ‘Critical Junctures’: Women and Constitution Drafting in South Africa and India

Journal of Asian and African Studies ◽

10.1177/00219096211025806 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 002190962110258

Author(s):

Nila Mohanan

Keyword(s):

South Africa ◽

Comparative Analysis ◽

Political Participation ◽

Interest Group ◽

Political Power ◽

Representation Of Women ◽

Critical Junctures ◽

Women's Participation ◽

Gain Access

From a feminist institutionalist perspective, this article engages in a comparative analysis of South Africa, one of the only post-transition democracies where women organized as a distinct interest group representing gender interests were able to negotiate and gain access to political power, and India, where women’s participation was predominantly as ‘nationalist women’. It argues that constitution drafting is a decisive critical juncture when descriptive representation can be translated very effectively into the substantive representation of women as equal citizens, provided women qua women and as gender-conscious agents are able to intervene to promote the cause of their effective political participation.