Bilateral Relations between the EU and Asia

Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Janina Witkowska

The aim of this paper is to discuss new trends that have occurred in the policies of the EU and China towards foreign direct investment (FDI), to examine some implications of the EU‑China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) – which is currently being negotiated – for their bilateral relations, and to assess the role which China’s “One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative might play in its relations with the new EU Member States. The EU established freedom of capital movement with third countries; however, the introduction of the common investment policy has encountered some obstacles. These are related to investor protection and ISDS issues. In turn, China is carrying out an independent state policy towards foreign investment with limited liberalization of FDI flows. The negotiated EU‑China CAI is expected to create conditions conducive to bilateral foreign investment flows, and it might bring positive effects for their economies in the future. However, the progress made thus far in the negotiations is still limited. The relations between China and the new EU Member states (CEE countries) are characterized by common interests in the field of FDI flows. The new EU countries are interested in attracting Chinese FDI and seem not to show the fears that have arisen in the old EU countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse ◽  
Moritz Höpner ◽  
Alena Vieira

Abstract In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states’ unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle.


Significance Erdogan’s New York meetings will include discussions of the troubled US-Turkish relationship. When a jailed US pastor returns to court in October on espionage charges, Turkey could step back and perhaps take some heat out of bilateral relations by releasing him. However, the chance of a full recovery in relations seems to have passed. Impacts Turkey will further diversify defence procurement outside NATO. Better relations with Germany and the EU will counterbalance worsening US ties. Tourism will recover, switching to Russian and Far Eastern visitors.


Author(s):  
L. Gusev

In this paper the author considers policy of the European Union in the Central Asia. The author analyzes an updated EU strategy for the Central Asia and emphasizes its pragmatism, based on individual economic interests of the Central Asian countries in promoting bilateral relations. In the offered paper is also considered the evolution of the EU policy in the Central Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-275
Author(s):  
Yury I. Nadtochey ◽  
Milka Malfait

This article explains the institutional framework for EU-Russia cooperation, in particular in the field of combating terrorism. Under auspices of the Permanent Partnership Council, a political dialogue has been established, with four road maps concluded on its sidelines. Due to the Road map on the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice, Russia has the possibility not only to establish bilateral relations with EU member states, but also with the EU as an organization. This article discusses practical ways for Russia to cooperate with the EU and its Member States in the fight against terrorism. The authors emphasize the distinctive features between the simple exchange of information and real joint operational forces. This article highlights that Russia-EU cooperation will improve only if both sides consider the same terrorist organizations from common angle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-B) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Andreevna Vinogradova ◽  
Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova

Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
V.I. Vasiliev ◽  

The monograph deals with the evolution of the European policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. It explores the role and place of Germany in the Euro-Atlantic and Euro-integration processes, the trends of the EU evolution after the 2019 elections to the European Parliament, as well as discussions on the EU reforms. The book examines the state and prospects of Germany’s interaction with EU, NATO, USA in defense and security affairs; the approaches of the German government, main political parties, expert community towards these problems, including possible make-up of the “Army of Europeans”. It studies the impact of Berlin to transition process in the Central and Eastern Europe countries and in the post-Soviet area. The monograph reveals the nuances of the German policy in the dialogue with the Russia and outlines the possible mutual compromises for normalization of bilateral relations where the Ukrainian crises remains the key problem. The monograph is targeted to researches, professors and lectures, post-graduates, students and for wider range of readers who are interested in current issues of German policy and international relations.


Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  

Cooperation of the EU members with China is now under increasing supervision of Washington and Brussels. The growing US-China confrontation direct impacts the relations between the EU and PRC, contributing to the adoption by Brussels of tighter control over investments in strategic sectors of economy. EU member states have to adapt their bilateral relations with China to these new developments. Formed in February 2021, the new Italian government of M. Draghi over the past eight months has nearly completed the reversal in relations with Beijing, questioning not only the memorandum of understanding signed in March 2019, but also tightening the mechanisms of control over investments coming from China.


Significance Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu suggested that Israel could seek to take the PA to the ICC over its reconciliation agreement with the "war criminals" of Hamas. Alongside the diplomatic stage, Israel and the Palestinians are increasingly playing out their battle for international legitimacy on the internet. This confrontation escalated during the conflict between Israel and Hamas in July and August 2014, with both sides and their supporters investing heavily in social media efforts to disseminate their messages and win support for their narratives. Impacts Israel's slick English-language social media operations will ensure its message is frequently picked up in the Western media. However, Hamas's social media emphasis on civilian casualties will also resonate increasingly widely in Western media. As bilateral relations with the EU deteriorate, Israel will step up its efforts on European social media platforms to boost its legitimacy.


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