Deadlock or new opening? Current state and prospects for development of Lithuanian-Belarusian relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.

Author(s):  
Richard Maher

Abstract What are the prospects and likely future direction of European integration? Will it be marked by resilience and perhaps even deepening integration among European Union (EU) member states, or will it encounter further instability that could lead to fragmentation and disintegration? The answers to these questions are currently unknown but are important not just for the citizens and countries of the EU but for world politics more broadly. Scholars and other observers have advanced a range of arguments to answer these questions, many of which are derived from the three mainstream theoretical paradigms of contemporary International Relations (IR): realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These arguments reveal disagreement both within and across paradigms over the question of the EU's future. While it is commonly thought that realists are generally pessimistic and liberals and constructivists broadly optimistic regarding the EU's future prospects, it is possible to identify arguments derived from liberal IR theory that the EU faces possibly fatal challenges and realists who see powerful reasons for the EU to stick together, while there are constructivists who think it can go either way. There are thus six basic positions on the future of the EU derived from IR theory. This paper identifies and evaluates a broad range of causal forces that will affect the future of European integration. The paper concludes by discussing the enduring role and value of theory in the study of international relations.


Author(s):  
Anatoliy Goncharenko

Canada and the EU had a common vision of the fundamentals of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and the need to respect the principles of international law. Canada in this matter has always acted together with other international actors on a coalition basis, accumulating defense potential. The EU has seen in Canadians close partners who share its values and have similar approaches to resolving conflict, so there are prospects for development of bilateral cooperation in the international arena. This was possible also due to the emergence of the Common foreign and defense policy of the EU and the implementation of important steps towards the development of European security policy and defense (ESDP). Therefore, at least a hypothetical European defense identity allows Canada to establish international cooperation with the EU in the defense sphere. Ottawa sought to demonstrate that Europe remains important to Canadian and international security interests, so he ESDP must not lead to the destruction of traditionally close relations between Canada and the European partners. Constitutive remains also link Europe with Canada in the framework of NATO. After the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the terrorist attacks of 2001, the EU is particularly interested in boosting relations with Canada. Despite the unity of views and approaches to solving most of the problems of international relations in the late XX – early XXI century between Canada and the EU, a common component in bilateral relations is still far from perfect, leaving the prospects for improving the Canadian-European cooperation on the international arena. Keywords: Canada, the European Union, international relationships, foreign policy


Author(s):  
Scott James ◽  
Lucia Quaglia

This chapter outlines the theoretical and empirical puzzles that inform the book, its objectives, overall argument, and structure. It sets out to explain the changing preferences and influence of the UK in shaping multi-level financial regulation. In particular, the book addresses two empirical questions. Why has the UK favoured increasingly stringent regulation in certain financial sectors since the crisis, but not in others? Why has the UK led international and EU-level regulatory reforms in some areas, but has resisted these initiatives in other areas? The chapter also outlines the book’s ambition to undertake a preliminary assessment of the impact of Brexit on the future of UK financial regulation, focused on two questions. Why has the UK decided to withdraw from the EU single market in services, including finance? How is Brexit likely to impact on the UK’s regulatory preferences and ability to shape multi-level financial regulation?


Author(s):  
A. Baykov

The paper analyzes the basic parameters of the soft power of the European Union in the context of the effectiveness of its foreign policy and comparison with the efforts of Russia's own resources capacity of non-violent political influence. To solve this purpose the author dissects the basic interpretation soft power, reviews the criteria to measure the effectiveness foreign policy, highlights the existing scholarly discussion regarding the applicability, relevance and accuracy of the concepts of hard and soft power in applied policy analysis. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trust in international relations in general and in the relations between Russia and the EU in particular. The presence of trust in international relations constitutes a prerequisite to solve any problems for foreign policy. Analyzing the practical expression of the basic values of Western European countries and Russia the article concludes that the efficiency of 'soft power' strategies exercised both by Russia and the EU vis-à-vis each other is rather low. The multi-faceted relations between Russia and the European Union with closely interwoven national interests of different countries do not make these relationships easier whereas a whole array of historical and psychological problems do not add trust. Therefore, it is reasonable to opt for formalized dialogue institutions. In conclusion, the author provides recommendations for medium-and long-term prospects of the bilateral relations.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Olenchenko

In 2019, the Baltic states passed the 15-year mark of membership in the European Union. This anniversary was not celebrated in the Baltic states or in the EU and did not attract attention of other countries. After the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the Baltic states chose not to join the CIS, but to join the EU. For Russia, the Baltic states are immediate geographical neighbours, which generate conflict in bilateral relations. The purpose of the study is to examine how the Baltic states' membership in the EU affected the main characteristics of their development and to what extent anti-Russian orientation of the Baltic foreign policy is due to EU membership. Achievement of this goal is seen through the solution of two tasks. The first is to study the current state of the Baltic economies. The second is to analyze the Baltic states conflict in relations with Russia within the EU. For the study, the method of comparing the statistical data of the EU for 2004-2019 was used in relation to the Baltic countries, as well as a comparison of the contractual obligations of relations between Russia and the EU with the practice of the Baltic countries. The results of the study show that the Baltic economies, despite long enough EU membership, remain subsidized. Conflict between the Baltic states and Russia does not directly come from the legal basis of their membership in the EU but is mostly due to several other external factors.


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basil Germond

Ocean governance is a complex process that involves many stakeholders within, across and beyond states. It currently stands high on the political and public policy agendas of European states and the EU due to the importance of the sea from both an economic and security perspective. This article aims to present the current state of European ocean governance, discussing the current trends and proposing some recommendations as to how best to tackle the challenges. It suggests that the future of European ocean governance rests on the actors’ ability to endorse a holistic approach that combines all aspects of sustainable development and security.


Author(s):  
M. M. Khmelnitskiy

The debt crisis is continuing in the eurozone, putting on agenda a question about the future of the euro and European integration. In 2012 none of the Southern European states could achieve the EU average GDP per capita. If the Greece’s GDP reduces in 2013 by 4,5% as expected, the Government will hardly fulfill its objective to achieve the growth in 2014. Moreover, Europe has become divided into two macroregions: poor South and prosperous North. The differences between them seem to be predefined because of specific EU policy during the creation of the economic union and when the euro was being introduced; these differences are one of the main causes of the crisis. Inspite of the fact that the Southern countries are still in economic decline, the Northern counties are insisting on austerity measures without any plans to reindustrialize Greece, Spain and Portugal in perspective. The «troika» of lenders saved the eurozone on account of multi-billion aid but it is still nothing done to cope with existing political and economic contradictions such as: trade deficit between «North» and «South», dependence on exports, specific international specialization of Greece, Spain and other countries. Three scenarios can be worked out to foresee the situation in the EU: optimistic, pessimistic and neutral. The pessimistic scenario was widely spread in the expert community. However, it is not that popular at the moment. A strong political will is needed to realize the optimistic scenario in the EU, mainly that of Germany and the Netherlands. At the moment the occasions meet the neutral scenario. It means that the euro area still exists but the coming years can become a «lost decade».


2017 ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Iryna Vyshnia

The article analyses the main groups of scientific works in Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The main focus was made on dividing the existing historical researches into groups by their main object of study. Among them, one can distinguish the following ones: works reviewing the global and European political processes and the role of Ukraine and Moldova therein; the Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation with the EU and NATO; Ukraine’s and Moldova’s participation in the integration processes on the post-Soviet space; the bilateral Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation; the course and settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; political development of Ukraine and Moldova. Special attention is focused on the comparative analysis of the different perspectives of the Ukrainian, Moldovan (including Transnistrian), Russian and other authors on such issues as Transnistrian conflict, rapprochement of Ukraine and Moldova with the EU and NATO, the role of Russia in the Transnistrian conflict. The author underlines that the changes in political development of both countries, as well as those in the international relations greatly influenced the activity of researches surrounding bilateral relations of Ukraine and Moldova, so did they on such issues as Transnistrian conflict and the conflict in Donbas (Ukraine). It is concluded that even with numerous publications focused on Ukrainian-Moldovan relations existing, there is a huge number of unexplored issues in this category.


2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-468
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

The EU enlargement to 25 members has significantly changed the political and economic map of the contemporary Europe. EU has become a relevant factor in international relations. At the same time there are certain dilemmas concerning the prospects for the future development and nature of the Union. Considering the fact that the EU geopolitical position has moved eastwards the author wonders how far the Union might spread towards the East, i.e. where the boundaries of the united Europe might be, and what should be the EU policy towards its Eastern neighbors (Russia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine and Moldova).


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